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A GRANDE FRAUDE DO AZEITE

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A Itália produz a maior parte do melhor azeite do mundo, mas o rótulo da garrafa costuma mentir sobre o conteúdo.

Num olival banhado de sol da Apúlia, na Itália, Saverio De Carla, 68 anos, de boina e olhos atentos atrás de lentes grossas, inspeciona suas azeitonas, como faz toda manhã há mais de 50 anos. As árvores seculares perto da cidade de Bitritto estão sendo podadas. Plantadas pelos ancestrais de Saverio, elas ficam entre amendoeiras, limoeiros e figueiras, e seus troncos retorcidos, cinzentos e grossos se elevam de um trecho ondulado do terreno, coberto de flores selvagens.

Aqui no calcanhar da Itália, o fruto é colhido de outubro a dezembro. Em poucas horas, é espremido no lagar, oficina com os aparelhos adequados para espremer frutos e reduzi-los a líquido, dos De Carla. O óleo é separado da água do caldo numa centrífuga e (sem aditivos, sem calor, sem refino) se transforma no ouro esverdeado e luminoso de um azeite extravirgem. Este é o ouro dos gourmands, valorizado pelo sabor e pelo bem que faz à saúde - e pelas imagens que evoca das fazendas italianas, bucólicas e tradicionais como esta.

A Itália é a maior produtora mundial de azeite de oliva extravirgem de alta qualidade. Infelizmente, boa parte dele deixa de atender aos padrões reconhecidos e estabelecidos pelo Conselho Oleícola Internacional.

"O que se vê nas prateleiras do supermercado é fraude!'; diz Grazia, 62 anos, mulher de Saverio, enquanto prepara o almoço na casa em cima do lagar. "Uma fraude!"

A Apúlia é a principal região do mundo a produzir azeite extravirgem, atendendo a uma imensa demanda no mundo inteiro. Mas a família De Carla e os outros agricultores locais que fazem o verdadeiro azeite passam por dificuldades, incapazes de competir em volume e preço com a inundação de azeite inferior falsamente rotulado como extravirgem.

"Muita gente abandonou a terra'; diz Grazia. "Os conhecimentos estão se perdendo." A família de Saverio tem o lagar aqui desde 1598, e ele se recusa a desistir. "As oliveiras, são nossa história e paixão, por isso fazemos tantos sacrifícios."

A Europa consome 1,85 milhão de toneladas de azeite por ano. Mas, depois da colheita desastrosa de 2014, o azeite extravirgem ficou mais raro do que nunca na Itália, e, segundo o Coldiretti, maior grupo de lobby rural do país, a produção e distribuição de azeite com rótulo incorreto basicamente quadruplicou para manter a oferta.

Em geral, o azeite barato da Tunísia, do Marrocos, da Espanha e da Grécia é simplesmente rotulado como italiano. Esse azeite pode não vir de olivais italianos, mas pelo menos é feito de azeitonas. Já se descobriu azeite falsificado que contém diversos tipos de óleo, de canola, avelã ou soja, colorido com clorofila.

Quase sempre o "extravirgem" das prateleiras é azeite virgem mais barato misturado ao óleo extraído do bagaço de azeitonas maduras com o uso de solventes e depois adulterado, desodorizado e colorido com betacaroteno.

Antonio Barile é um dos representantes da CIA, a Confederação Italiana de Agricultores. "Quando consideramos que a Itália produz, em média, 400 mil toneladas de azeite extravirgem por ano'; diz ele, "mas vende de 900 mil a 1 milhão de toneladas de extravirgem italiano, podemos ver o tamanho do esquema:'

Fazer azeite extravirgem italiano pode custar, pelo menos, seis euros o litro, mas em alguns supermercados da Itália ele chega a ser vendido por apenas três euros.

"Para atender à demanda com esse preço impossível'; diz Barile, "algumas grandes corporações o misturam com azeite de má qualidade. A Apúlia produz o Chanel Nº 5 dos azeites, mas só de 15% a 20% dele é engarrafado e vendido por produtores independentes. Fora o que é consumido no local, o restante é levado às fábricas e usado para disfarçar o azeite ordinário de má qualidade."

E continua ...

"Os supermercados e, acima de tudo, as grandes empresas, são estúpidos, porque é impossível produzir azeite de oliva extravirgem em massa. Faz bem à saúde, e o público está disposto a gastar com saúde. Vender o azeite autêntico a um preço justo seria uma estratégia mais lucrativa:'

Se ele está zangado?

"Estou furioso . Porque este é um mundo de organizações poderosíssimas, com grande influência sobre as decisões do governo. Elas mudam as regras e as leis:'

Fala-se de corrupção no mais alto nível e da Máfia. Se ele já teve medo ou se sentiu intimidado?

"Vivo normalmente", diz, dando de ombros. "Talvez não seja sensato.'

A Interpol diz que a Máfia está muito envolvida no setor e usa o lucro fácil para financiar outras atividades ilegais, como o tráfico de seres humanos.

"A Máfia, principalmente no sul da Itália, possui muita terra apra cultivo agrícola e controla ou influencia a atividade legal e ilegal'; diz o escritor Tom Mueller, que mora na Itália e cujo livro "Extra Virginity: the Sublime and Scandalous World of Olive Oil" (Extravirgindade: o mundo sublime e escandaloso do azeite de oliva) lança luz sobre as práticas enganosas.

Nos últimos anos, o controle e a fiscalização aumentaram, e uma série de operações de autoridades locais e nacionais - como a Diretoria Antimáfia do Distrito de Bari - nas fábricas italianas confiscou ou impediu a venda de milhares de toneladas de azeite com rótulo errado.

"Por sorte, a Itália está na vanguarda da tecnologia investigativa e científica para identificar o bom e o ruim'; diz Mueller.

As autoridades usam grampos telefônicos e vigilância sob disfarce, mas, para pegar os culpados, há mais sessões de degustação bastante sóbrias do que operações dramáticas. O azeite extravirgem apresenta uma série de características especificadas pelo Conselho Oleícola Internacional, algumas delas químicas, outras organolépticas (relativas ao sabor e ao aroma). Por exemplo, para ser classificado como "extravirgem'; o azeite precisa ter "acidez livre" de, no máximo, 0,8% do total de ácido oleico.

Mueller explica que o azeite inferior pode ser modificado para atender os requisitos no exame químico: "No entanto, os testes de paladar feitos por grupos de oito testadores treinados são extraordinariamente objetivos e têm muita robustez estatística. Basta a presença de apenas uma das l7 falhas de sabor especificadas e o azeite não será extravirgem."

O escândalo mais recente foi re velado depois de análises realizadas pelo laboratório de química da Agência de Alfândegas e Monopólios, em Roma, para a revista Il Test-Salvagente, dirigida a consumidores. Em maio de 2015, os exames encontraram problemas em nove de 20 marcas populares nos supermercados.

Por ordem de um promotor de Turim, a análise foi repetida pela Unidade de Saúde e Antiadulterações dos carabinieri. Então, foi descoberto que alguns azeites vendidos por não eram extravirgens como constava no rótulo.

Em junho deste ano, a Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e dei Mercado, órgão italiano que regula a concorrência entre empresas de diversos setores, cobrou de cinco marcas de azeite multas num total de quase 1 milhão de euros por "prática comercial enganosa':

Esses produtores teriam enganado os consumidores ao divulgar a condição de extravirgem, tanto no rótulo quanto na propaganda, quando na verdade os azeites só se qualificariam para a condição inferior de virgem.

No último dia 8 de junho, a distribuidora Lidl, proprietária da marca Primadonna, recebeu uma multa de 550 mil euros, cifra influenciada pelo fato de que a Autorità della Concorrenza descobriu que "a prática comercial revelada há um ano [na época da multa] ainda é praticada.'

A Deoleo, proprietária das marcas Sasso Classico, Carapelli i! Frantoio e Bertolli Gentile, foi multada em 300 mil euros por produtos que, em maio passado, foram finalmente retirados das prateleiras dos supermercados. A Pietro Coricelli recebeu multa de cem mil euros e recolheu o azeite adulterado em dezembro do ano passado.

Todas as empresas multadas negaram o crime e questionaram a confiabilidade dos exames feitos pelos grupos. Seus argumentos foram rejeitados pelos reguladores da Autorità della Concorrenza.

As empresas têm o direito de re correr ao Tribunal Administrativo Regional de Lazio até 60 dias depois do julgamento e podem também apresentar recurso "extraordinário" ao presidente italiano em até 120 dias.

Em toda a Europa, novas abordagens científicas para determinar a pureza do azeite estão sendo aplicadas. Há um exame inovador e rapidíssimo por espectroscopia de infravermelho, inventado pelo cientista de alimentos Christian Gertz, e uma espécie de "nariz eletrônico" portátil para farejar falsificações óbvias, criado por uma equipe da Universidade de Estremadura, na Espanha.

Em março passado, documentos de transporte, recibos de pagamento e instruções para adulterar azeite recolhidos em operações nas fábricas do Consórcio de Azeite Extravirgem da Toscana indicaram que, na verdade, o azeite "toscano" vinha principalmente da Grécia e da Apúlia. Mas foi graças a novos avanços da análise do DNA que as autoridades conseguiram provar isso de forma conclusiva. Mais tarde, 47 pessoas foram investigadas por falsificação e fraude comercial.

Continuar colando rótulos italianos em azeite estrangeiro vai ficar ainda mais difícil: o Instituto Poligráfico e a Casa da Moeda da Itália criaram um rótulo inteligente, com selo numerado e QR-code ligado a informações sobre a origem e os fornecedores, que visa dar, nas palavras da Confederação Italiana de Agricultores, um "golpe letal" nos fraudadores.

Os pesquisadores do Instituto de Tecnologia da Federação Suíça, em Zurique, criaram um marcador invisível: nanopartículas magnéticas microscópicas de DNA que guardam informações sobre a proveniência e a série de fornecedores. Embora imperceptível quando mergulhada numa garrafa de azeite, ainda assim a amostra pode ser facilmente pescada com um ímã para verificar a autenticidade.

Enquanto isso, o governo italiano anuncia planos de aumentar as sanções, em especial contra os recalcitrantes, e está investindo 32 milhões de euros para apoiar os produtores por meio do Plano Setorial Nacional do Azeite.

Na Apúlia, Saverio e Grazia De Carlo têm ideias próprias para virar a maré. Novos cursos de poda para reviver conhecimentos perdidos são bem-vindos, mas, segundo eles, as duas melhores armas na luta contra a fraude são a geração mais nova e a informação dos consumidores.

Os filhos chegam para o almoço - alcachofra, queijo burrata, postas de bacalhau e lampascioni (bulbos de jacinto-das-searas) dos olivais, banhados em azeite extravirgem feito em casa. Francesco, 35 anos, tem um diploma de provador de azeite, e Marina, 38, estudou marketing em Milão. Grazia brinca que corre azeite nas veias dos filhos. Como no caso dos produtores de vinho, seu futuro
depende de um público com discernimento.

Francesco despeja um pouco de azeite num copo azul e demonstra como prová-lo corretamente. Ele é feito de azeitonas coratinas, valorizadas por terem um teor de antioxidantes bastante elevado, com propriedades que combatem o envelhecimento e as inflamações. O sabor é amargo e pungente, marca do azeite extravirgem de alta qualidade.

"Amo minha região, a minha terra'; diz Francesco. "É preciso saber que, se precisarmos cortar uma árvore, terei um grande peso na consciência. Todo ano, se cuidarmos dela, a árvore produz. Há uma ligação sentimental.'

Lá embaixo, no escritório do lagar, as paredes são forradas de prêmios emoldurados e estantes cheias de medalhas e troféus, um deles dedicado a Marina e Francesco "por paixão e sacrifício'. Ao lado de um mapa-múndi, exibida com destaque, está uma frase de Einstein que poderia ter sido escrita pensando nas dificuldades enfrentadas pelos produtores de azeite da Itália: "A crise pode ser uma verdadeira bênção para qualquer pessoa, para qualquer país, pois todas as crises trazem progresso.'

Texto de Sorrel Downer em "Seleções Reader's Digest", edição brasileira, n. 1610, outubro de 2016, excertos pp.62-69. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

COCA LEAVES WERE SACRED TO THE INCAS

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Coca: A Blessing and a Curse

South Americans have cultivated coca plants for about 8,000 years. Valuing the leaves as highly as gold, the Inca treasured coca not only for its myriad medicinal properties, but also for the integral part it played in their sacred rites and rituals.

A legend from the Andes tells the tale of Kuka, a woman of such extraordinary beauty that none in the entire empire could resist her. Aware of her power, Kuka used her charms to take advantage of men until word of her misdeeds reached the Great Inca’s ears. He ordered that she be sacrificed, cut in half, and buried. From her grave a miraculous plant sprouted. It gave strength and vigor and alleviated pain and suffering. The people called it coca, in honor of that beautiful and irresistible woman.

This myth acknowledges the great importance that coca leaves had, and continue to have, in the culture and history of the people of the Andes. Despite gaining notoriety in modern times for being the source material for the highly addictive drug cocaine, coca continues to be a large part of Andean culture today. Unprocessed leaves from the plant can be enjoyed by chewing them or by brewing them into a tea. Locals still use coca today to combat altitude sickness, and to relieve pain and hunger. Some still believe that its leaves can be read to tell the future.

Scientific studies of coca’s medicinal properties have found that its leaves contain a powerful alkaloid that acts as a stimulant. Its effects include raised heart rate, increased energy, and even suppression of hunger and thirst.

Other benefits include muscle relaxation, which can help with menstrual cramps. This effect also helps to treat altitude sickness by opening up the respiratory tract and relieving the feeling of shortness of breath and tightness in the chest. Coca is highly useful for its antibacterial and analgesic properties, in addition to aiding in digestion and in preventing constipation. Coca itself is rich in iron, and vitamins B and C. Consumption of coca dates back to the very earliest of ancient South American societies. There is evidence it was consumed in cultures located in modern-day Ecuador from as early as the ninth millennium B.C. It was during the Inca Empire, however, a little before the arrival of the Spanish, that coca attained particular religious and socio-economic significance.

Coca Culture

The first Incas date to a.d. 1200. The civilization rose to prominence in 1438 when the emperor Pachacutec, whose name means “he who remakes the earth,” began conquering lands surrounding Cusco, the imperial capital, located in modern-day Peru. The Inca language, religion, and trade network dominated the Andes.

Vast amounts of coca, regarded as sacred by the Inca, were used in religious ceremonies. Cristóbal de Molina, a Spanish priest who lived in Cusco around 1565 and observed Inca traditions, described how the Inca burned leaves and blew coca fumes toward the sun—their main deity—and other gods, as part of a ritual to heal the sick. The plant was also revered for its divinatory powers, and some priests were specialists at reading its leaves. Coca was also buried with the dead, included among their grave goods to accompany them into the afterlife.

Some religious rituals involved human sacrifice, and coca played a role as well. Three mummies of sacrificial victims discovered in 1999 revealed high consumption of coca in the months preceding their deaths. Consuming the leaves was believed to induce holy trances and altered states while also disorienting the victims, making them easier to subdue.

Cultivating the Crop

The Inca system for growing and harvesting coca leaves involved many steps. The plants were grown in clear-cut fields in warm, wet regions. When ready for harvesting, the leaves would tear when folded. They were picked and then laid out in thin layers to dry in the sun. Imperfectly colored leaves were rejected. Coca leaves are very fragile, and although meticulous efforts were made to ensure they kept their flat shape and uniform color, a large part of the harvest was lost during drying. The entire process required particular care to maintain as many leaves as possible.

Because of their high value, coca leaves could serve both as a commodity and a currency. Public officials and regional or local lords were paid for their services to the empire in precious metals, fine textiles, and baskets of coca leaves. The Sapa Inca—the “only Inca,” or the king—rewarded loyalty with baskets of coca leaves. They were also given out to soldiers at feasts to celebrate victories. Of all prestigious Inca goods, coca was the most highly valued. Garcilaso de la Vega, who was of Spanish-Inca parentage, wrote: “[The Inca] place it before gold and silver and precious stones.”

Because of its high value, coca was largely consumed by the imperial Inca elites. During the last days of the Inca Empire, a relaxation of restrictions on coca consumption began. Some researchers argue that this change could be due to the fact that—unlike during the empire’s earlier stages—the state could no longer guarantee the food supply for the entire population. Coca started to be used to dull hunger in lean times. Nevertheless, its association with food for the elite prevailed until the Inca Empire was conquered by the Spanish in 1532.

In the early days of the conquest, Spanish chroniclers from the 16th and 17th centuries noted how the wealthy had a monopoly on coca. Juan de Matienzo wrote that leaves “were a delicacy for lords and chiefs and not for the common people.”

After the conquest coca consumption spread among the indigenous population, as recorded by many Spanish colonists who exploited the Inca as slave labor. The Spanish authorities discovered how coca increased productivity, and encouraged the enslaved people to consume it. In time the crop became a lucrative business for Spanish landowners, who raised production to meet increased demand. The missionary Father Bernabé Cobo wrote: “It is the most profitable product in the Indies [sic] and has made many Spaniards rich.”

An Acquired Taste

The Spaniards often mocked indigenous people for their belief in the power of coca. But skepticism started to give way to interest in the strange leaf. In 1653 Father Cobo wrote that the Indians “say that [coca] gives them strength, and they feel neither thirst, hunger nor tiredness. I think it is mostly superstition, but one cannot deny that it gives them strength and breath, as they work twice as hard with it.”

Garcilaso de la Vega recorded the following conversation between two Spaniards, a gentleman and a farmhand near Cusco. The first asked, “Why do you eat coca, like the Indians do, when Spaniards find it so disgusting and detestable?” The other, who was carrying his two-year-old daughter on his back, replied. “In truth, sir, I detest it no less than anyone, but need forced me to imitate the Indians and chew it. Without it I would not be able to bear the burden. With it I have strength and vigor to be able to undertake my labors.”

Today coca leaves are harvested as an essential ingredient of the illegal, but highly lucrative, production of cocaine. Despite the plant’s role in so much violence and political instability across the Americas, its traditional use is still invoked by Andean societies as a symbol of their enduring culture.

By Ariadna Baulenas i Pubill in " National Geographic History" USA edition, November-December 2016, excerpts pp.10-13. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

SCIENCE & GASTRONOMIE - CONSISTANCES FIBREUSES

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Pour inventer des aliments fibreux, comme le sont les viandes, d’innombrables possibilités s’offrent au cuisinier.

Le thème du cinquième Concours International de Cuisine note à note est «Consistances fibreuses et acidités». Dans ce concours, il s’agit d’élaborer des aliments à l’aide de composés purs: eau, cellulose, lipides, protéines, acides aminés, vitamines... Consistance fibreuse? Précisons d’abord que les spécialistes des aliments distinguent les consistances des textures: la consistance découle de la structure physique d’un matériau, alors que sa texture est sa «consistance perçue». Ainsi, le chocolat est fondant quand on le laisse fondre, et croquant quand on le croque.

Comment obtenir un aliment contenant des fibres? Le papier, constitué de fibres de cellulose enchevêtrées, semble fragile, mais cela tient à sa faible épaisseur ; si les couches sont empilées ou si les fibres de cellulose occupent un volume plus épais, alors le matériau s’apparente au bois, très dur en raison de la résistance des fibres elles-mêmes et des nombreuses liaisons chimiques entre elles.

Dans les tissus, les fibres sont organisées: dans la mesure où il n’y a pas de liquide, ce matériau est très dur, mais de rigidité acceptable lorsque son épaisseur est faible.

Pour un aliment, structure plus massive, on peut utiliser soit des fibres autres que de petits bâtonnets rigides, soit un liquide où baigneront les fibres. Pour le premier cas, on peut imaginer des fibres creuses et emplies d’un liquide, telles les fibres musculaires des viandes ou des poissons: là, le tissu «collagénique» (fait de protéines nommées collagènes), qui rend les viandes dures, forme l’enveloppe de longs tuyaux de très petit diamètre, emplis de beaucoup d’eau et de protéines.

Pour le second cas, mettre le liquide à l’extérieur des fibres conduit à des «suspensions». Les pâtes de pâtisserie en sont un exemple, tout comme la crème anglaise, où des agrégats de protéines sont dispersés dans une solution aqueuse (le lait).

Dans la construction du matériau, on peut régler la quantité de liquide, afin que l’ensemble ait ou non la possibilité de s’écouler ou de conserver une forme initiale. Évidemment, une suspension fluera toujours, mais on peut la disperser dans un liquide visqueux, voire la faire gélifier.

On entrevoit donc un procédé possible: on part d’un liquide, on disperse des fibres, on dissout un composé dont on provoque la gélification. Selon le composé, celle-ci est effectuée par chauffage, comme pour les protéines d’un blanc d’oeuf, ou par refroidissement, par exemple à partir de gélatine dissoute dans le liquide, ou par d’autres moyens comme pour le caillage du lait, lors de la confection d’un fromage.

Les possibilités sont innombrables, d’autant que l’on peut structurer nos aliments à toutes les échelles : il est commode de retenir l’échelle macroscopique (le boulanger fait parfois des tresses pour les brioches), le niveau microscopique (les dimensions de l’ordre du dixième ou du centième de millimètre), les dimensions nanoscopiques, environ cent fois inférieures, et, enfin, les dimensions moléculaires (à cette échelle, la chimie supramoléculaire a appris à faire des noeuds, des tresses, etc.). Pour chaque échelle, le raisonnement précédent peut être tenu, de sorte que la combinatoire ouvre des champs culinaires immenses.

Quels ingrédients employer? En cuisine, pour les liquides, on dispose de matière grasse à l’état liquide (les huiles) et des solutions aqueuses – vin, thé, café, jus de fruits, bouillons. Pour les fibres, les composés de base sont évidemment les protéines et les polysaccharides. D’ailleurs, la cellulose se présente naturellement sous la forme de fibres, inertes chimiquement et sans goût, mais ces dernières sont essentielles puisqu’elles assurent la structure des tissus végétaux, participant aux parois qui cimentent les cellules de ces tissus. Pour les tissus animaux, ce sont les protéines qui, dans le tissu collagénique, assurent des fonctions tout à fait parallèles, jointoyant cette fois les fibres musculaires.

On a ainsi l’embarras du choix pour réaliser des aliments à consistance fibreuse. N’hésitez pas à participer au concours!



Par Hervé This dans "Pour la Science",France, novembre 2016, n.469, p. 118. Adapté et illustré pour être posté par Leopoldo Costa.

LES CONTRADICTIONS DU CHRISTIANISME

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La question que je voudrais esquisser dans ce livre est une de celles qui me troublent le plus profondément, elle me paraît dans l’état de mes connaissances insoluble, et revêt un caractère grave d’étrangeté historique. Elle peut se dire d’une façon très simple : comment se fait-il que le développement de la société chrétienne et de l’Église ait donné naissance à une société, à une civilisation, à une culture en tout inverses de ce que nous lisons dans la Bible, de ce qui est le texte indiscutable à la fois de la Torah, des prophètes, de Jésus et de Paul ? Je dis bien en tout. Ce n’est pas sur un point qu’il y a eu contradiction, mais sur tous les points. Si bien que d’une part, on a accusé le christianisme de tout un ensemble de fautes, de crimes, de mensonges qui ne sont en rien contenus, nulle part, dans le texte et l’inspiration d’origine, et d’autre part on a modelé progressivement, réinterprété la Révélation sur la pratique qu’en avaient la chrétienté et l’Église. Les critiques n’ont voulu considérer que cette pratique, cette réalité concrète, se refusant absolument à se référer à la vérité de ce qui est dit. Or, il n’y a pas seulement dérive, il y acontradiction radicale, essentielle, donc véritable subversion.

Ce n’est pas du tout le même phénomène qu’entre les écrits de Marx et la Russie des Goulags ni entre le Coran et les pratiques fanatiques de l’Islam. Ce n’est pas le même phénomène parce que dans ces deux derniers cas on peut certes trouver la racine de la déviation dans le texte même. Je laisse de côté le second cas qui nous entraînerait trop loin pour m’en tenir au premier. On a pu procéder à la remontée de Staline à Lénine et de Lénine à Marx, il y avait chaque fois un rapport indiscutable de l’un à l’autre, si bien que l’on pouvait très aisément comprendre qu’il y ait eu cette dérive, et que les conséquences soient tragiques, tout à fait contradictoires avec ce que Marx avait pensé, voulu, espéré. Cependant il y a un point de rapprochement évident entre ce qui s’est produit dans le marxisme et dans le christianisme. C’est que tous deux font de la pratique la pierre de touche de la vérité ou de l’authenticité. Autrement dit, c’est d’après cette pratique que nous avons à apprécier et non pas d’après les intentions ou la pureté de la doctrine, ou la vérité de la Source et de l’origine.

On connaît le rapport chez Marx entre Praxis et Théorie, mais c’est, il ne faut pas l’oublier, un rapport circulaire. Ce qui implique finalement qu’une praxis fausse engendre inévitablement une théorie fausse et on peut voir la fausseté de la pratique non seulement à ses effets (jugés d’ailleurs d’après quoi ? sans doute Marx aurait récusé l’émotion humaniste et morale en face des monstres staliniens, mais il aurait sûrement retenu l’aggravation du pouvoir de l’État, la dissolution de la lutte des classes, l’aggravation de l’aliénation, donc la praxis est jugée à partir de la théorie qui l’a inspirée) mais encore à la nouvelle théorie à laquelle elle donne naissance, et ceci fut tout à fait visible dans l’expression théorique de la fin du stalinisme et la disparition de la théorie chez les dirigeants de l’URSS qui sont rentrés ni plus ni moins dans le cadre des conflits entre États et de leur propre impérialisme. Or, le christianisme se juge aussi d’après la pratique. Nous sommes ainsi en présence de la mise en garde permanente à ce sujet.

Toute la Révélation du Dieu d’Abraham, d’Isaac et de Jacob revient incessamment là-dessus : l’homme qui mettra en pratique les commandes de Dieu vivra (par exemple Lv 18,5 — Nh 9,29 — Éz 20,11). Tu mettras en pratique ces commandements… L’Éternel te commande de mettre en pratique… (Dt 25,16 ; 27, 10). Et réciproquement, le mal et la mort sont liés à l’absence de mise en pratique ou encore à la pratique des usages des autres peuples, aux coutumes abominables (Lv 18,30) et l’on met en opposition radicale l’Écoute et la Pratique : ils écoutent mais ne pratiquent pas (Ez 33,31). Or, cette importance décisive de la pratique est exactement reprise par Jésus, presque dans les mêmes termes. Les fidèles sont ceux qui écoutent et qui mettent en pratique (Lc 8,21). Et il y a une parabole à ce sujet que l’on entend habituellement fort mal : à la fin du Sermon sur la Montagne (Mt 7,24-27), il y a la parabole célèbre de l’homme qui construit sa maison sur le roc ou sur le sable, la première est solide et résiste à la tempête et aux torrents, la seconde s’effondre. En général on dit que le roc c’est Jésus lui-même. Mais ce n’est en rien la parabole !

Jésus dit : celui qui entend ces paroles et les met en pratique est semblable à un homme qui construit sur le roc. Autrement dit ce qui est le roc c’est l’Écoute et la Pratique ensemble. Mais la seconde partie est plus restrictive : celui qui écoute les paroles que je dis et ne les met pas en pratique est semblable à un homme qui a bâti sur le sable. Là sans doute seule la mise en pratique est en question, et nous pouvons dire que la pratique est le critère décisif de la vie et de la vérité.

Or, dans la première génération chrétienne il n’y a aucun doute à ce sujet. Paul le rappelle sans cesse avec force 1, lui qui était le théologien du salut par grâce : « Ce ne sont pas ceux qui écoutent la loi qui sont justes devant Dieu mais ce sont ceux qui la mettent en pratique qui seront justifiés. Quand les païens qui n’ont point la loi font naturellement ce que prescrit la loi […] ils montrent que l’œuvre de la loi est écrite dans leur cœur… » (Rm 2,13-15). On a voulu, obstinément, mettre en contradiction une théologie de la foi chez Paul et une théologie des œuvres chez Jacques, mais ceci est radicalement inexact.

Paul a sans cesse insisté sur l’importance critique de la pratique. Ce n’est pas pour rien que chacune de ses lettres s’achève par une longue « parénèse » montrant que la pratique est l’expression visible de la foi, de la fidélité à Jésus. Et il résout la contradiction coutumière dans le texte fondamental de l’Épître aux Éphésiens : « c’est par la grâce que vous êtes sauvés, par le moyen de la foi. Et cela ne vient pas de vous, c’est le don de Dieu. Ce n’est point par les œuvres afin que personne ne se glorifie. Car nous sommes son ouvrage, ayant été créés en Jésus-Christ pour de bonnes œuvres, que Dieu a préparées d’avance afin que nous les pratiquions » (Ép 2,8-10).

Le « chevillage » de ce texte est essentiel. Ce qui est rejeté, mis à bas c’est l’autojustification, c’est la glorification de soi par soi, c’est l’autosuffisance de l’homme pour la conduite de sa vie, pour accomplir le bien, etc. Sauvés : c’est par la grâce et non par les œuvres, mais justement pour que nous ne puissions pas nous glorifier par des œuvres. Par ailleurs, il est indispensable de faire ces œuvres, car elles sont préparées d’avance par Dieu, elles sont dans le « plan » de Dieu, et quant à nous, nous sommes créés afin de pratiquer ces œuvres. Ce n’est pas Dieu qui accomplit les œuvres, c’est nous qui en avons la responsabilité. La mise en pratique est alors chez Paul à la fois le critère visible que nous avons sérieusement reçu la grâce, et que nous sommes effectivement entrés dans le Plan de Dieu. Donc pour Paul, dans la droite ligne de Jésus, la pratique est la pierre de touche de l’authenticité. Nous sommes donc bien en présence d’une constante millénaire.

Dès lors ceux qui attaquent le christianisme sont parfaitement habilités à le faire à partir de la pratique désastreuse qui fut la nôtre. Les attaques de Voltaire, d’Holbach, de Feuerbach, de Marx, de Bakounine 2 pour ne citer que ceux qui nous concernent le plus directement sont entièrement exactes. Et au lieu de se défendre contre elles et de faire une maladroite, inutile, méprisable apologétique, il faut écouter leur attaque, prendre au sérieux ce qu’ils nous disent. Car ils démolissent le christianisme, c’est-à-dire très exactement le dévoiement que la pratique chrétienne a fait subir à la Révélation de Dieu.

Il ne faut pas le résumer, comme on l’a fait trop souvent, en une opposition entre le pur message de Jésus, et puis soit l’affreux Dieu des Juifs soit le détestable Paul, mensonger interprète. Il y a une cohérence parfaite entre tout ce que nous pouvons savoir de Jésus le Christ et la révélation du Dieu d’Abraham, d’Isaac et de Jacob et il y a aussi cohérence parfaite entre l’Evangelium Christi, des Évangiles et l’Evangelium de Christo, de Paul entre autres.

Quant à dire que les Évangiles eux-mêmes, tels que nous les avons, ont été falsifiés, tripatouillés par la première ou la seconde génération des chrétiens pour faire coïncider Jésus avec leur message et leur proclamation, cela ne peut se soutenir qu’au nom d’un Jésus refabriqué par tel ou tel moderne au gré de son idéologie, le Jésus socialiste, le Christ monarchiste, le Jésus « historique », le Jésus prolétaire, le Jésus doux poète, le Jésus violent révolutionnaire ou le Christ arlequin… mais cela ressortit exclusivement de l’invention individuelle. Non, l’attaque des antichrétiens est parfaitement légitime et doit être entendue telle quelle comme l’attestation de l’effroyable distance que la pratique chrétienne a créée par rapport à la Révélation.

Or, la difficulté tient justement en ce qu’il est impossible de dire : « Certes, notre pratique est mauvaise, mais voyez donc la beauté, la pureté, la vérité de la Révélation. » Nous avons insisté sur l’unité des deux. Il faut absolument le bien comprendre. Il n’y a pas de Révélation connaissable hors de la vie et du témoignage de ceux qui la portent. C’est la vie des chrétiens qui atteste de qui est Dieu, et quel est le sens de cette révélation. « Voyez comme ils s’aiment », et c’est à partir de là que commence l’approche du Révélé. « Si vous vous déchirez entre vous, vous n’avez pas en vous l’amour de Dieu », etc. Il n’y a pas une pure vérité du Dieu de Jésus-Christ à laquelle nous pourrions renvoyer en nous lavant les mains de ce que nous faisons nous-mêmes. Si le chrétien n’est pas conforme dans sa vie à sa vérité, il n’y a plus de vérité. Et c’est pourquoi les accusateurs du XVIIIe et du XIXe siècle ont eu pleinement raison de remonter de la pratique de l’Église à la fausseté de la Révélation elle-même. Il nous faut comprendre que, en n’étant pas ce que Christ demande, nous rendons le tout de la révélation mensonger, illusoire, idéologique, imaginaire, et ne portant plus aucun salut, par conséquent nous sommes acculés à être chrétiens ou à reconnaître la fausseté de ce que nous croyons. Telle est l’épreuve irrécusable de la pratique.

Nous devons admettre qu’il y a une distance incommensurable entre le tout de ce que nous lisons dans la Bible et puis la pratique des Églises et des chrétiens. Au point que je puis parler valablement de perversion, de subversion, car, je le montrerai, la pratique a été en tout l’inverse de ce qui nous était demandé. Cela reste pour moi une question véritablement insoluble. Kierkegaard l’a rencontré en son temps. Il y a répondu à sa façon. Il faut aujourd’hui tenter autre chose, un autre chemin et reprendre cet examen de conscience.

Nous devons encore éviter deux écueils : d’un côté rejeter tout le passé de l’Église, mépriser et condamner tout ce qui fut, et dire schématiquement, comme on ne cesse de le dire aujourd’hui d’une façon abominable : l’Église ce fut l’obscurantisme. La pensée judéo-chrétienne est la cause, l’origine de tout le mal moderne, de l’absolutisme étatique, ou l’aliénation capitaliste, du mensonge et de l’hypocrisie générale, des complexes d’Œdipe ou de culpabilité, de l’infériorisation de la femme, de l’esclavage du tiers monde, de la dénaturation de la Nature. L’Église médiévale, c’est l’Inquisition, le servage, les Croisades, la théocratie, la construction contrainte et forcée des cathédrales par un peuple abruti et terrorisé. Un peu plus tard, c’est Galilée, c’est l’origine du capitalisme, c’est l’invasion du monde entier et sa mise en coupe réglée, c’est la destruction des cultures originales indigènes, l’écrasement des peuples sous le dogme et sous la morale chrétienne. Tout le mal vient du judéo-christianisme, et nous trouvons à côté de ces accusations acharnées mais simplistes la glorification du joyeux et pur païen 3, d’un polythéisme humain et libéral, d’une enfance spirituelle que le christianisme a fait avorter.

Il y a en tout cela un peu de vrai, un petit peu, en ce qui concerne la chrétienté. Mais il y aurait à rétablir une exactitude historique presque sur chaque point, car en tout cela il y a beaucoup d’exaltation polémique au service d’idéologies en réalité totalitaires et très peu de réalité. Un jour j’écrirai un plaidoyer du passé de l’Église en face des absurdités qui nous sont octroyées. Il n’en reste pas moins vrai que le soubassement de toutes ces folles accusations, c’est la subversion vraie du christianisme. Mais l’autre écueil qui se présente à nous consiste à proclamer soit : aujourd’hui c’est différent — soit : il y avait quand même autre chose dans l’histoire chrétienne : sur ce dernier point, il faut rappeler que, quand même, il y a eu saint François d’Assise, ou Las Casas. Quand même l’Église a eu parfois de beaux sursauts de vérité (le Synode de Barmen). Quand même il y a eu des papes authentiques, et puis il y a indiscutablement la foi individuelle et cachée… Tout cela est exact, mais n’enlève rien à ces accusations, massives, grossières, infantiles, dont le véritable objectif est de soumettre l’homme à un autre esclavage.

Par ailleurs les chrétiens n’ont pas à accepter sans plus toutes les attaques concernant le passé de l’Église, en se rattrapant : « Oui, mais aujourd’hui, voyez comme tout a changé ! » Hier l’Église était contre les pauvres, aujourd’hui elle est pour le socialisme, le communisme, les travailleurs immigrés. Hier elle était pour la monarchie, aujourd’hui elle est pour la démocratie et même l’autogestion. Hier elle était pour le patronat, aujourd’hui pour les syndicats. Hier, elle prétendait détenir la Vérité absolue, elle était dogmatique, aujourd’hui elle dit n’importe quoi sans aucune limite. Hier elle était pour une morale sexuelle féroce et rigide, maintenant elle est pour l’avortement, l’homosexualité, etc.

On peut continuer indéfiniment. J’ai déjà ailleurs attaqué cette plasticité 4. Il n’y a là nul « progrès » : simplement l’Église adopte sans plus les idées et les mœurs de notre société, comme elle adoptait ceux de la société d’hier ou d’avant-hier. Même quand elle défend le pauvre, elle n’est pas plus vraie aujourd’hui qu’il y a cent ans ou deux cents ans. C’est exactement la même trahison. Il n’y a aucune vérité incarnée aujourd’hui dans cette simple conformité au courant dominant de notre société. C’est la même subversion du christianisme, avec en plus l’orgueil (nous sommes les premiers à bien comprendre enfin l’Évangile, comme le proclame ingénument le bon F. Belo 5) et l’hypocrisie qui consiste à battre sa coulpe de chrétien sur la poitrine des générations antérieures. Je n’y reviens pas.

Il faut par ailleurs éviter les explications vraiment simplistes de cette perversion. J’en retiendrai trois pour mémoire : celle qui se rattache à la célèbre formule de Loisy : « Les premiers chrétiens attendaient la venue immédiate du royaume de Dieu, et ce fut l’Église qui vint. » Toutes les déviations seraient dues à ce retard. Falsifications (supposées !) des textes de l’Évangile, durcissement et affaiblissement corrélatifs de la foi et de l’espérance, resserrement de la charité, perte du sens communautaire des origines, création des institutions, d’une hiérarchie : il a fallu s’organiser pour durer, puisqu’il fallait continuer à attendre… Je crois que ceci est profondément inexact. Rien, sinon une interprétation datée, subjective et relative d’un certain nombre de textes, que l’on choisit comme étant les « vrais », rien ne permet de penser que les disciples de Jésus attendaient une réalisation immédiate du Royaume de Dieu. Rien ne permet de penser que les textes où Jésus annonce une longue attente soient faux.

Il fallait que les disciples apprennent à vivre dans le monde. Il fallait que le monde redevienne porteur de la possibilité d’un amour tourné vers le vrai Dieu. Il fallait non pas qu’une mutation magique s’effectue mais qu’une nouvelle histoire commence. De même, ne retenons pas l’opposition vraiment trop élémentaire de la distance entre un idéal et sa réalisation. Non, l’action de Dieu en Jésus-Christ, la Révélation de Dieu commencée avec Abraham n’ont rien à faire, absolument rien, avec un idéal. Il n’y a là ni idéal au sens banal, courant du terme, ni idéalisme philosophique. Croire que Dieu a créé le monde, qu’il révèle sa volonté pour l’homme, qu’il sauve l’homme de la mort, n’a rigoureusement rien à faire ni avec l’Idée hégélienne ni avec l’idéalisme des philosophes (celui que Marx attaque). La subversion du christianisme ne tient pas à une impossibilité de vivre cet idéal. Car ce n’en est pas un !

Nous sommes dès le début en plein réalisme et en plein matérialisme. L’idée de Dieu n’existe pas. Et les philosophes de la Mort de Dieu ont eu raison en ce sens de détruire cette idée qui nous bouche totalement le sens de cette Révélation. Enfin, et c’est du même ordre, il ne s’agit pas non plus d’une opposition entre le spirituel (toujours repris par les mouvements spirituels et millénaristes) et l’institutionnel. Encore une fois, la Révélation de Dieu ne ressortit pas au spirituel. Le Saint Esprit n’est pas du spirituel. Mais ces trois oppositions élémentaires ont chacune une petite part d’exactitude, nous les retrouverons au passage.

En vérité, l’essence même de la subversion est déjà indiquée par la désignation de « christianisme », chaque fois que nous rencontrons cette désinence « isme », cela désigne un courant idéologique ou doctrinal, parfois dérivé d’une philosophie. Positivisme, socialisme, républicanisme, spiritualisme, idéalisme, matérialisme, etc. Cela ne désigne pas la philosophie elle-même. Cela peut même être directement contraire à cette philosophie. Par exemple marxisme ou existentialisme, Marx ou Kierkegaard ont chaque fois tenté d’empêcher que leur pensée ne soit réduite à un mécanisme idéologique. Mais ils n’ont pu éviter que leurs successeurs aient figé leur pensée vive en un système (ou plusieurs), et de là on dérive sur l’idéologie. Sartre lui-même accepte l’emploi d’existential-isme, sans réaliser quelle perversion cela implique de ce qu’il dit. En tout cas, à partir du moment où il y a cette mutation de la pensée existentielle à un existentialisme, il y a transformation d’une source vive en un canal d’irrigation plus ou moins bien ordonné, plus ou moins stagnant et s’éloignant au fur et à mesure de sa source pour entrer dans le banal et le reconnu.

La désinence « isme » consiste à intégrer un neuf dans un ensemble catégoriel bien repéré, et surtout défini. Mais dans le même temps, si l’originalité est éliminée pour être ramenée au lieu commun d’usage, une vie ou une pensée y perd sa radicalité et sa consistance. C’est-à-dire que si l’on entre dans un ensemble défini, c’est aussi un ensemble vague et flou. Le travail de capricorne commence à s’effectuer avec le rongement de galeries dans toutes les directions. A partir de ce point d’origine des dizaines de possibilités exploitables s’ouvrent et vont, de fait, être utilisées. Il apparaît alors une sorte d’ensemble étrange, formé de tendances souvent tout à fait contradictoires, toutes recouvertes par le isme en question. Enfin dernier avatar de ce nœud de vie ou de pensée qui fut à l’origine (vie et pensée unies en général chez le créateur et son groupe immédiat de disciples), cet « isme » va parfois prendre la forme d’un courant sociologique pratique, d’une certaine forme d’organisation et de mouvement de masse, socialisme, marxisme, royalisme, républicanisme...

A ce moment s’établit une distance encore plus grande entre le roc de la « pensée-vie » première, et les espaces sableux qui vont bientôt l’ensevelir. Il n’y a plus aucune commune mesure entre la pensée de Marx et ce que l’on en a tiré depuis un siècle. Et c’est exactement la même chose chaque fois que l’on fabrique un « isme » à partir du nom d’un créateur, thomisme, luthéranisme, rousseauisme. Il est assez vraisemblable que cette dérive et cette subversion désignées chaque fois sans aucune exception soient assez typiques du monde occidental. Nous n’avons pas à l’examiner ici. Seulement à considérer que le « isme » de christianisme ne lui est pas particulier. Ce qui s’est produit là s’est produit dans beaucoup d’autres cas. Mais la subversion, la perversion, l’inversion est ici plus énorme, plus aberrante, plus incompréhensible que dans tous les autres cas.

Pour le chrétien elles posent une question plus insoluble. Car il ne peut s’agir d’un simple mouvement sociologique. Si l’on veut éliminer ce mot de « christian-isme » que faudrait-il dire ? D’une part la Révélation et l’Œuvre de Dieu accomplies en Jésus-Christ, en second lieu : l’Être vrai de l’Église en tant que corps du Christ, en troisième lieu, la foi et la vie du chrétien, dans la vérité et dans l’amour. Mais comme nous ne pouvons répéter indéfiniment cette longue formule triple nous dirons couramment pour désigner ces trois aspects : le « X ». Et il ne faut garder « christianisme » que pour le mouvement idéologique et sociologique qui en est la perversion.

Pour achever cette esquisse de la question qui se pose à moi de façon si dure, il faut encore faire entrer en ligne de compte une autre donnée. Nous avons dit, et nous le montrerons longuement, que la pratique chrétienne a été constamment une subversion de la vérité en Christ. Or, cela n’aurait pas dû être. Jésus nous dit : Je suis avec vous jusqu’à la fin du monde, d’autre part il promet qu’il nous enverra son Esprit. Et l’Église a fait de l’Esprit-Saint la troisième « personne » de Dieu, une part intégrante du Dieu unique 6. Si Dieu est avec son Église. Si Dieu est présent par son Fils ressuscité et par son Esprit. Si Dieu garantit de cette façon la permanence de son œuvre, comment donc a-t-il pu se faire que tout soit finalement perverti. Et si vite, et si constamment. Je ne puis me contenter d’élisions trop simples, que nous disions qu’il y a ce que nous voyons et ce que Dieu, lui, voit, mystérieux et caché, qui serait très beau, très bien, alors que nous constatons le contraire. Ou encore que l’institution et les actes publics ne comptent pas, mais regardez donc ces vies singulières de chrétiens, fidèles, pieux, dont Dieu conduit la vie, et qui ne se montrent pas, ou encore parler de l’Église invisible, ou encore accepter de dissoudre l’action de Dieu dans l’action des hommes, et nous déclarer avec vergogne, « mais après tout, si l’Église a trahi, ce n’est que l’Église...

Et Dieu ne parle plus et ne passe plus par l’Église, Dieu s’identifie aux créations de l’homme. Dieu maintenant s’exprime par la révolution, par les guerres de libération, par la prise de conscience des pauvres, par la justice sociale qui s’établit… » nouvelle version de la toujours renaissante théologie naturelle. C’est dans ce que l’homme fait que nous discernons la Révélation de Dieu. A tout cela, il faut dire résolument non. Ceci est antibiblique. Ceci va à l’encontre de tout ce qui a été accompli par Dieu en Jésus-Christ.

La question n’en reste pas moins entière. Si le Saint-Esprit est, était, avait été avec les chrétiens et avec les Églises nous n’aurions pas assisté à cette terrible subversion qui a fait prendre pour christianisme exactement l’inverse, ou plutôt pour l’X de Dieu, le christianisme remanié par le monde. Faut-il alors croire que Dieu s’est retiré, se tait ? Ce que j’ai tenté de dire dans l’Espérance oubliée 7. Faut-il croire que Dieu a échoué ? Mais l’échec du christianisme exprimant ce que l’homme a fait de la Révélation ne change rigoureusement rien à ce que Dieu a accompli : il s’est incarné. Jésus-Christ, le Fils est mort (et nos péchés sont pardonnés). Il est ressuscité (et la mort, le néant, le diable sont vaincus). Ceci demeure quelles que soient les mésaventures de l’Histoire, quelles que soient les erreurs, les errances de l’homme. Ce qui est fait est fait. Quoi que l’homme ait fabriqué comme christianisme, l’accomplissement de l’œuvre de Dieu est total et inscrit dans notre histoire.

Mais la question est ce que nous en avons fait. Or, par le Saint-Esprit, cela pouvait se réaliser dans l’Histoire. Mais le Saint-Esprit n’est pas plus dictatorial, autoritaire, mécanisant, autosuffisant que la Parole de Dieu ou que Jésus-Christ. Le Saint-Esprit libère. « Là où est l’Esprit du Seigneur, là est la liberté. » Autrement dit, il n’est pas question d’une contrainte pesant sur l’homme et lui faisant faire ce que Dieu a décidé de faire. Tout l’inverse. Il est une puissance qui, une fois libéré l’homme de ses esclavages, le remet dans une situation de liberté, de choix, d’ouverture des possibles. Il est une puissance de lumière c’est-à-dire qui éclaire l’homme et lui permet de jeter un regard profond et neuf sur lui-même et ce monde. Il est une puissance qui peut démultiplier l’action de l’homme quand celui-ci choisit de faire la volonté de Dieu. Il est enfin une puissance de conscience, qui montre à l’homme quelle est cette volonté de Dieu (le Saint-Esprit vous conduira dans toute la vérité), c’est-à-dire que, converti au Christ et illuminé par le Saint-Esprit, l’homme ne peut absolument pas se réfugier derrière « Je ne savais pas ». Il a, par lui, une pleine conscience de la valeur, de la portée de sa pratique, rendue possible par le Saint-Esprit. Il est devenu pleinement responsable. Voilà tout ce qui ressortit à la présence du Saint-Esprit.

Lorsque les chrétiens ont fabriqué le christianisme, ils l’ont donc fait en pleine connaissance de cause, ils ont choisi librement cette voie-là, ils se sont détournés volontairement de la Révélation et de leur Seigneur, ils ont opté pour de nouveaux esclavages. Ils n’ont pas aspiré au don plénier du Saint-Esprit pour s’engager dans la voie qui avait été ouverte. Ils ont choisi autre chose et dès lors le Saint-Esprit est resté inemployé. Vacant. Présent dans la seule souffrance. C’est pourquoi la question qui se pose, brûlante, est une pure question humaine : pourquoi les chrétiens ont-ils fait l’inverse ? Quelles sont les forces, quels sont les mécanismes, quels sont les enjeux, quelles sont les stratégies, quelles sont les structures qui ont induit cette subversion ? A hauteur d’homme, et rien que cela.

Il faut formuler clairement la contradiction globale, et tout le cours de cette étude consistera à l’expliciter. Le X est subversif dans toutes les directions, et le christianisme est devenu conservateur et antisubversif. Le X est subversif envers les pouvoirs quels qu’ils soient. L’argent, puisque Jésus le qualifie de Mammon, et nul ne peut servir deux maîtres. Il y a incompatibilité radicale entre l’argent et le Christ. Jésus recommande à ses disciples de ne rien avoir. Et de même Paul montre que l’argent est fait pour être donné. Et Jacques que l’argent amassé par le riche résulte inévitablement du vol dont est victime l’ouvrier. L’argent en soi est puissance de détournement. Il est un des objets principaux de convoitise, or la convoitise est la racine de tous les péchés, de tous les maux.

Le pouvoir politique ? Ce n’est pas pour rien que les premiers chrétiens ont été attaqués dans l’Empire comme de dangereux anarchistes, comme des agents de subversion de l’ordre romain. Ils étaient objecteurs de conscience militaire, mais aussi objecteurs de conscience envers l’administration et l’empereur. Ils affirmaient que le chrétien ne doit pas entrer dans l’administration impériale et remplir un officium. Des témoins de l’époque laissent entrevoir l’inquiétude : on trouvait de moins en moins de fonctionnaires au fur et à mesure que la foi chrétienne se répandait. Des historiens modernes ont pu considérer que l’effondrement de l’Empire est dû en grande partie à cette attitude des chrétiens : plus de soldats recrutés dans l’Empire, il a fallu recruter des soldats chez les « barbares », fuite devant les responsabilités politiques et administratives des « élites ». Je ne soutiens pas la réalité de cette thèse, je dis seulement que tel a été le visage que les chrétiens des II, III, IVe siècles ont offert à leurs contemporains, telle était l’opinion que l’on en avait. Et il fallait bien qu’elle fût fondée sur quelque chose !

Nous aurons à voir dans un chapitre particulier les textes qui conduisent, à penser au point de vue biblique, qu’en effet le X était une puissance de subversion politique. Mais sans faire de confusion : il ne s’agissait nullement d’avoir un programme politique de remplacement, ni de vouloir changer les institutions ou le personnel politique, ou de préférer la démocratie à la dictature, ou de faire une transformation sociale (la fameuse affaire de l’esclavage que l’on a tant reproché aux premiers chrétiens de n’avoir pas résolue…). L’attitude était bien plus radicale : un refus de tout ça, une mise en question non pas d’un pouvoir mais de tout pouvoir, une visée de transparence dans les relations humaines qui se traduirait par un nouveau mode de liens (familiaux aussi) et de rapports (sociaux aussi).

Subversion à l’égard de toutes les religions. Ceci avait déjà commencé avec les juifs (comme d’ailleurs la contestation du pouvoir royal). Le phénomène religieux est le contraire de la révélation de Dieu à Abraham et Moïse, le contraire de la présence de Jésus parmi les hommes. Là encore, il faut se référer au jugement des contemporains des premiers chrétiens. Ceux-ci étaient jugés par les Grecs et les Romains comme des athées et des hommes irréligieux. Pas seulement en ce qui concerne le culte de l’empereur, ce qui était affaire politique et religieuse ensemble, mais pour tous les cultes. Quand dans un grand acte de magnanimité l’empereur, voyant ce qu’il estimait être une nouvelle religion se répandre dans l’Empire, offre à ces chrétiens de mettre leur Chrestus parmi les autres dieux, dans le Panthéon, ces gens étranges refusent. Ils n’étaient pas du tout libéraux. Ce qui provoqua une noire colère chez l’empereur. Il ne s’agit pas de mettre Christ au rang des dieux. Il ne s’agit même pas de faire prévaloir une meilleure religion sur les mauvaises, païennes, il s’agit de détruire les religions et l’esprit religieux infantile. Il y a là continuité parfaite entre le judaïsme et ce que Jésus et Paul ont ensuite enseigné.

Destruction au même titre de la morale. Dans la mesure où l’action permanente de Dieu est la mise en liberté de l’homme (vraie liberté et non pas volonté d’autonomie de l’homme, recherche d’une indépendance et d’une incohérence), on ne peut supporter les ordres de la morale courante, les principes, qu’ils soient philosophiques ou naturalistes ou sociologiques, d’une morale qui établit le bien et le mal.

Dès le début de la Genèse, nous apprenons cette chose stupéfiante, dont on a si rarement tiré les conséquences : ce que l’homme acquiert en « prenant le fruit », c’est la « connaissance du bien et du mal » mais connaissance dans le sens de : capacité de déclarer, comme Dieu, ceci est bien, ceci est mal. Il n’y a pas un Bien et un Mal supérieurs à Dieu, que Dieu se bornerait à mettre en application, il n’y a pas un Bien et un Mal transcendants à Dieu (ce que nous croyons toujours lorsque nous jugeons que le Dieu de l’Ancien Testament, par exemple quand il donne à Abraham l’ordre de sacrifier son Fils, fait mal). Et être comme Dieu, c’est devenir capable de déclarer : ceci est bien, ceci est mal. Ce que l’homme a acquis et qui fut l’occasion de la rupture, car rien, absolument rien ne garantit que ce que l’homme va déclarer correspond à ce que Dieu a déclaré. Par conséquent établir une morale est inévitablement le mal. Cela ne signifie pas qu’il suffise de supprimer la morale (courante, banale, sociale, etc.) pour retrouver le bien. Quoi qu’il en soit Dieu libère l’homme aussi de ces morales et le place dans la seule situation éthique vraie, du choix personnel, de la responsabilité, de exercer pour trouver la forme concrète d’une obéissance à son Père. Ainsi toute morale est annulée. Les commandements de l’Ancien Testament ou les Parénèses de Paul ne sont en rien une morale. Ils sont d’une part la limite entre ce qui fait vivre et ce qui fait mourir, d’autre part des exemples, des métaphores, des analogies, des paraboles incitant l’homme à s’inventer lui-même. Quand Jésus très consciemment et volontairement transgresse les commandements (devenus morale), quand il fait de la transgression une sorte de conduite constante qui doit être assumée par ses disciples, quand Paul pose brutalement la question : « Pourquoi observez-vous ces commandements qui sont uniquement des commandements d’homme », ce n’est pas à la loi juive qu’ils en ont, mais à toute morale.

Subversion des cultures ? Ceci pourra paraître plus étrange encore. Et pourtant c’est bien exactement ce que nous montre le texte biblique. On sait à quel point aussi bien l’Ancien Testament que le Nouveau sont imprégnés par les cultures environnantes. On peut retrouver les traces de textes égyptiens (Job et tant d’autres) ou assyro-chaldéens tout au long de la Bible hébraïque. Et même dans l’Ecclésiaste une pensée indiscutablement d’origine grecque ou égyptienne. Tout le monde sait également que Paul s’inspire abondamment du stoïcisme dans les conseils « moraux » qu’il donne, dès lors est-on bien sûr que ces textes culturels expriment la révélation de Dieu ? A l’inverse, cette révélation n’est peut-être pas l’apanage des Juifs, n’en trouve-t-on pas des manifestations chez tous les peuples ? Or, ce qui me paraît le seul point passionnant dans ces opérations de reprise, c’est la façon dont les textes sont traités. Jamais on n’insère le texte babylonien ou perse, le texte égyptien ou grec tel quel, dans son identité. On s’en sert et on s’en sert toujours de façon polémique, c’est-à-dire pour démontrer à quel point ce texte est inopérant ou faux.

Il y a dans toute la Bible, à l’égard des cultures environnantes, ce que les situationnistes ont appelé le détournement. Ils proposaient comme l’une des formes de l’action révolutionnaire le fait de ressaisir par exemple un texte et de le détourner de son sens, de son objectif pour lui faire dire tout autre chose. C’est exactement ce que tous les écrivains juifs, puis chrétiens ont effectué. Ils ont pris un texte et ils l’ont appliqué à une situation toute différente. Ils en ont changé certains termes, ils l’ont inséré dans un contexte qui le détournait de son sens premier, etc.

Ainsi le poème égyptien inséré dans Job est radicalement changé parce qu’il est placé dans la relation avec le Dieu d’Israël. De même les récits de la Genèse sont, on le reconnaît très bien maintenant, des récits construits de façon polémique contre les cosmogonies babyloniennes. De même la morale stoïcienne cesse d’avoir et le sens et la portée (universelle !) que l’on prétendait en l’insérant dans le mouvement mort/résurrection, justification/sanctification : même si les phrases restent les mêmes, le sens en est radicalement mué.

Ceci s’effectue par des voies multiples, l’une des voies très employées par les Hébreux fut l’humour. On prend un mot et on change une lettre ce qui lui donne un tout autre sens. On modifie l’application d’une citation (et Paul a aussi employé cette forme de détournement, par exemple le proverbe sur les Crétois). On procède à des jeux de mots qui soit ridiculisent le texte ou le personnage, soit obtiennent un effet nouveau… Certains exemples sont bien connus : appeler Veau les Taureaux que l’on adorait en Canaan, déformer Baal en Bel-Zebub (le dieu des mouches !), etc. Ainsi les Hébreux se sont situés dans toutes les cultures environnantes, ils ne se sont pas clôturés, enfermés, ils les ont connues et utilisées mais pour leur faire dire tout autre chose. Subversion des cultures. Ce qui est intéressant, et qui n’a jamais été fait, c’est de mesurer la distance entre le texte originaire et le texte inséré dans la Bible ou d’analyser le processus de détournement qui a été employé. (Il doit nous servir de modèle de ce que nous aurions à faire nous-mêmes à l’égard de nos propres cultures.)

On peut s’arrêter ici dans ces exemples de subversion du X par rapport à tout ce qui constituait l’univers politique, économique, culturel du monde. Nous aurons à reprendre en détail tel ou tel de ces cas.

Ceci étant, quel a été l’aboutissement ? Un christianisme qui est une religion. La meilleure affirme-t-on. Au sommet de l’histoire des religions. L’ennui c’est qu’après (donc en progrès de toute évidence !) vient l’Islam… Une religion classée dans l’espèce des ant que l’Occident a été conquérant et qu’il asservissait le monde. Maintenant, il se laisse pénétrer par les valeurs des cultures africaines, orientales, amérindiennes… il est du côté « des plus faibles », toujours habile à trouver sa justification, et nous aurons demain un christianisme islamisé, exactement comme aujourd’hui nous avons un christianisme marxisé, hier un christianisme rationaliste (libéral) et avant-hier un christianisme aristotalisé après platonisé ; dérision du « se faire tout à tous ».

Chaque génération croit avoir découvert enfin la vérité, la clef, le nœud essentiel du christianisme en se plaquant, se modelant sur l’influence dominante. Le christianisme devient une bouteille vide que les cultures successives remplissent de n’importe quoi. Ce n’est pas parce que, aujourd’hui nous découvrons le socialisme et l’islam que nous sommes en quoi que ce soit plus vrais devant Dieu que nos pères, pleins de bons sentiments pour les pauvres sauvages qu’il fallait sortir de leur misère, de leur ignorance, de leur péché, etc. Ce christianisme est toujours aussi plastique à l’égard des cultures qu’il le fut à l’égard des régimes politiques. Je l’ai dit cent fois. Monarchiste sous la monarchie, républicain sous la république, socialiste sous le communisme. Tout se vaut. En cela aussi, le christianisme est l’inverse de ce que la Révélation de Dieu en Jésus-Christ nous montre. Telle est l’esquisse générale. Telle est en même temps la question dramatique. Ainsi s’ouvre une quête que j’essaierai de mener aussi loin que possible, thème par thème.religions monothéistes. Une religion caractérisée par tout le religieux, des mythes, des légendes, des rites, du sacré, des croyances, un clergé, etc. Un christianisme qui a fabriqué une morale, et quelle morale ! la plus stricte, la plus moralisante, la plus infantilisante, la plus débilitante, tendant à faire des irresponsables. En étant méchant, je dirais des imbéciles heureux. Sûrs de leur salut s’ils obéissent à la morale. Et vont défiler toutes les images de la morale sexuelle, de la morale d’obéissance absolue (inouï, l’obéissance finissant par devenir dans le christianisme la valeur suprême !), de la morale du sacrifice, etc. Un christianisme qui est devenu un conservatisme complet dans tous les domaines, politique, économique, social. Que rien ne bouge. Que rien ne change. Le pouvoir politique, c’est le bien. La contestation, la critique c’est le mal 8.

Il faut que le chrétien obéisse au pouvoir en place par devoir de conscience. Et non seulement cela, mais il faut qu’il devienne un soutien actif du pouvoir en place. Il doit lutter contre tout ce qui le menace. Et de même dans l’ordre social ou économique. La hiérarchie est voulue par Dieu. Les pauvres sont pauvres par la volonté de Dieu, les riches, riches, pour la même raison. Remettre ceci en cause, c’est aller directement contre la volonté de Dieu. Le christianisme devient une force permanente d’antisubversion. C’est la mise au service de l’État par Louis XIV ou Napoléon. La mise au service du capitalisme par la bourgeoisie du XIXe siècle. C’est l’ordre moral...

Dans le domaine des cultures nous trouvons exactement la même inversion. Le christianisme s’imbibe comme une éponge de toutes les cultures et de leurs avatars. Dominé par la culture gréco-romaine, il est devenu terrien et féodal (le système des bénéfices) dans le monde féodal, avec, nous le verrons, toutes les croyances qui le peuvent garantir. Il est devenu bourgeois, urbain, argentifère avec le système capitaliste, et maintenant il devient socialiste avec la diffusion du socialisme. Il a servi à diffuser la culture occidentale dans le monde ant que l’Occident a été conquérant et qu’il asservissait le monde. Maintenant, il se laisse pénétrer par les valeurs des cultures africaines, orientales, amérindiennes… il est du côté « des plus faibles », toujours habile à trouver sa justification, et nous aurons demain un christianisme islamisé, exactement comme aujourd’hui nous avons un christianisme marxisé, hier un christianisme rationaliste (libéral) et avant-hier un christianisme aristotalisé après platonisé ; dérision du « se faire tout à tous ».

Chaque génération croit avoir découvert enfin la vérité, la clef, le nœud essentiel du christianisme en se plaquant, se modelant sur l’influence dominante. Le christianisme devient une bouteille vide que les cultures successives remplissent de n’importe quoi. Ce n’est pas parce que, aujourd’hui nous découvrons le socialisme et l’islam que nous sommes en quoi que ce soit plus vrais devant Dieu que nos pères, pleins de bons sentiments pour les pauvres sauvages qu’il fallait sortir de leur misère, de leur ignorance, de leur péché, etc. Ce christianisme est toujours aussi plastique à l’égard des cultures qu’il le fut à l’égard des régimes politiques. Je l’ai dit cent fois. Monarchiste sous la monarchie, républicain sous la république, socialiste sous le communisme. Tout se vaut. En cela aussi, le christianisme est l’inverse de ce que la Révélation de Dieu en Jésus-Christ nous montre. Telle est l’esquisse générale. Telle est en même temps la question dramatique. Ainsi s’ouvre une quête que j’essaierai de mener aussi loin que possible, thème par thème.

NOTES

1. Et chez Jean nous avons cette admirable déclaration de Jésus, après avoir montré à ses disciples ce que cela signifie d’être le serviteur des autres, et leur avoir rappelé que tout fidèle de Jésus est serviteur : « Si vous savez ces choses, vous êtes heureux, pouvu que vous les pratiquiez » (Jn XIII, 17). Là encore la pratique est la pierre de touche du salut et de l’amour.

2. Et j’y ajouterai la critique combien profonde et spirituellement pertinente de B. Charbonneau.

3. Cf. par exemple J.-M. Benoist, Comment peut-on être païen ?, Paris, Albin Michel, 1981 ; Manuel de Dieguez, L’Idole monothéiste, Paris, PUF, 1981.

4. J. Ellul, Fausse Présence au monde moderne, Paris, Éditions de l’ERF. 1964.

5. F. Belo, La Lecture matérialiste de l’Évangile de Marc. Paris, Éditions du Cerf, 1974.

6. Le Dieu unique en trois personnes… Je ne reprends pas ici l’interminable discussion théologique qui m’a toujours paru étonnante et liée à une philosophie essentialiste et substantialiste seulement. Après tout j’ai un corps, j’ai une pensée, j’ai des sentiments, j’ai une volonté, ne suis-je pas un quand même, et lorsque j’agis matériellement n’est-ce pas différent du moment où je pense, plongé dans ma méditation ? Ou encore ne faut-il pas rappeler que « personne » vient de persona, mot qui veut dire le masque d’acteur ? Dieu venant vers l’homme revêt des « masques » divers. Il est le Père et Créateur, il est le Fils sauveur et Amour, il est le Saint-Esprit sanctificateur… Manières d’être que Dieu adopte pour pouvoir être saisi par l’impuissance et l’ignorance humaines.

7. Jacques Ellul, L’Espérance oubliée, Paris, Gallimard, 1977.

8. Et l’on peut multiplier les exemples concrets de ces contradictions, ainsi Kierkegaard souligne à juste titre la remarquable pratique qui a duré en Occident pendant 1 500 ans de faire prêter serment, devant un tribunal ou ailleurs au nom de la Bible ou des « Saints Évangiles » : dans lesquels très précisément se trouve l’interdiction de prêter serment (Mt 5. 34) !

Par Jacques Ellul dans "La Subversion du Christianisme", France, éditions du Seuil, 1984, chapter I. Adapté et illustré pour être posté par Leopoldo Costa.

THE TRUTH ABOUT BEEF BROTH

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Commercial beef broths contain almost no beef. So what exactly are these products adding to your recipes?

It’s hard to beat the convenience of storebought broth. Truth be told, we turn to it often when making soups, stews, and gravies. Our winning commercial chicken broth is a pretty good stand-in for the real thing, but we’ve had less luck finding a decent beef broth. Part of the reason is that we expect more of beef broth. We typically rely on chicken broth to bolster the savory backbone of a recipe. But when we turn to beef broth, we want it to literally beef up the flavor of a dish.

A slew of new products have hit the beef broth market since our last tasting, and not just the mainly liquid contenders we’ve seen in the past. Hopeful that a better, truly beefy broth had come along, we rounded up 10 options from top-selling brands— including liquids as well as pastes, powders, and cubes that must be reconstituted with hot water— that contained at least 450 milligrams of sodium per serving (in previous broth tastings, we’ve found that products with less sodium taste underseasoned). We sampled these broths simply warmed, simmered in a beef and vegetable stew, and reduced in gravy.

Unfortunately, we were once again largely unimpressed with all the products we tasted. None delivered anything close to true beef flavor. At best, the broths contributed a savory taste, while the worst were either bland, overwhelmingly salty, or plagued by “bitter,” “charred,” or “burnt” off-notes. In the end, we had just one product to recommend. Though lacking in actual beefy taste, it delivered “fuller” flavor than any of the other products.

Where’s the Beef?

There’s an obvious explanation for the absence of beefy flavor in commercial broth products: They lack beef. To meet U.S. Department of Agriculture standards, liquid products labeled “beef stock” or “beef broth” (the government doesn’t distinguish between the two) need only contain 135 parts moisture to 1 part protein (which may be derived from meat or bones). The regulations that guide the pastes, powders, and cubes in our lineup are similarly paltry or don’t exist at all. A look at the nutrition labels confirms how little meat goes into them: Five of the 10 products have 1 gram or less of protein per cup, including our new winner. Meanwhile, our homemade beef broth, made with 6 pounds of meat and 2 pounds of bones per 2 quarts of water, has more than 4 grams of protein per cup.

Ultimately, however, the amount of protein in a broth had little to do with its ranking. In fact, though the liquid broths had more protein than products requiring reconstitution, in general they performed less well, exhibiting blandness or off-notes.

We learned one reason for their lackluster flavor: Most liquid broths (as well as some products requiring reconstitution) start with the same source—weak generic stock supplied by a handful of specialty stock producers. Stephanie Lynch, vice president of technology and sales at International Dehydrated Foods, one of the companies that create these stock bases, told us that they simmer water and bones—not actual meat—in large pressurized vats to create a broth base with deliberately mild flavor that can provide a blank slate for a variety of uses. The broth is dehydrated for cheaper shipping and sold to broth manufacturers, who can build on it with other flavors.

Flavor Makers

The problem is, in lieu of adding actual meat to their products, broth manufacturers mainly use chemistry to amp up flavor. According to Michael Noble, corporate chef at Ariake USA (a large commercial stock producer based in Virginia), it’s common for major broth manufacturers to hire flavor chemists to help them choose from a vast assortment of highly concentrated flavorings that can contribute a range of very specific tastes to a product. When such flavorings are distilled or extracted from natural sources, they appear as “natural flavorings” or “natural flavor” on an ingredient list; synthetically produced flavorings must be identified as “artificial.”

These flavorings can help make a product taste distinct from others and yield consistent results from batch to batch. But their use can also backfire. In the products we tasted from Swanson and Imagine, for example, tasters picked up on “charred” and “burnt” notes. Though neither company would elaborate on the source of the flavors in their products, it seems likely that the off-notes we noticed came from concentrated “natural flavorings” intended to mimic the flavor of cooked beef.

The broth with the highest protein content by far at 7 grams per cup—College Inn—failed for an entirely different reason. Tasters detected bitter, metallic notes that almost certainly came from the inclusion of potassium chloride, the main ingredient in many salt substitutes. (With 750 grams of sodium per serving, it already had one of the highest sodium levels in the lineup.)

No matter what the form—liquid or dehydrated — what really benefited these products was the presence of yeast extract, a substance that’s loaded with glutamates and nucleotides. Glutamates are savory on their own, and nucleotides work in synergy with them to amplify their flavor. Together these compounds can boost a broth’s savory, meaty-tasting flavors twentyfold. All 10 broths include yeast extract, but our winner (and the second-place broth) also contains hydrolyzed soy protein, another powerful source of flavor potentiators that might have given it an edge over the others. Our new winner, Better Than Bouillon Beef Base, trumped our previous favorite from Rachael Ray, which simply wasn’t beefy enough to compete with our winner’s ultrasavory punch.

We’re still hopeful that someday broth manufacturers will put more actual beef in their products. In the meantime, our winner is an economical choice that stores easily, costs just 16 cents per cup, and does a good job of boosting savory depth in soups and stews.

By Kate Shannon in "Cook's Illustrated",USA, number 158, February 2016, excerpts p. 26. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

HOMEMADE CORNED BEEF

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Once you find the right curing method, corning beef requires no work, just time. And the results are superb.

You can make a decent corned beef dinner by buying a corned beef brisket, simmering it in a big pot of water for a few hours, and adding carrots, potatoes, and cabbage at the end of cooking so they soak up some of the seasoned liquid. But you can make a superb corned beef if you skip the commercially made stuff and “corn” the meat yourself. (The Old English term refers to the “corns,” or kernels of salt, used to cure the meat for preservation.) When this curing process is done properly, the meat isn’t just generically salty (or overly salty, as commercial versions often are). It’s seasoned but balanced, with complex flavor thanks to the presence of aromatics and spices. And although the process takes several days, it’s almost entirely hands-off.

I’d never corned beef but had always wanted to try. In addition to having an easy one-dish meal for serving a crowd, I could use the leftover corned beef in sandwiches and hash. The trick would be figuring out just the right curing formula and length of time to produce tender, well-seasoned meat.

In Search of a Cure

I knew I’d be using a flat-cut brisket, the most common cut for corned beef. As for the curing method, I had two options: wet or dry. Wet curing works much like brining: You submerge the meat in a solution of table and curing, or “pink,” salt (more on that later) and water along with seasonings. Over time, the salt penetrates the meat, seasoning it and altering its proteins so that they retain moisture. Dry curing works more like salting: The meat gets rubbed with the salt mixture and seasonings, wrapped in plastic wrap, and weighed down with a heavy plate or pot. As the meat sits, the salt draws water out of it, creating a superconcentrated brine. To expose all of the meat to the brine, the meat is flipped daily. Whichever approach you use, the cured brisket gets simmered in water to break down its abundant collagen, the connective tissue that converts to gelatin during cooking and coats the meat fibers so that they appear more tender and juicy.

I tried both methods, wet-curing one 5-pound flatcut brisket for seven days and dry-curing another for 10, the average length of time for each method that I found in recipes, to see how the flavor of the cured meats would differ. (For now, I left out the pink salt and seasonings.) I placed each in a Dutch oven with water and simmered them for 5 hours, which was a bit fussy since I had to adjust the stove dial to ensure gentle heat. The briskets tasted virtually the same, so I moved ahead with the wet cure, which was considerably faster and easier, with no need for daily flipping.

(Not Just) Pretty in Pink

Now for the pink salt. This specialty product (which is dyed pink to distinguish it from conventional salt) is a mixture of sodium chloride (table salt) and sodium nitrite. Only a small amount, combined with conventional table salt, is needed for curing. Nitrites prevent the oxidation of fats, which would otherwise lead to off-flavors and certain types of bacterial growth, especially Clostridium botulinum. Hence, their preservative effect. They’re also responsible for the attractive pink color of cured meats.

Since I wasn’t relying on the pink salt for preservation, I wanted to confirm that it improved the flavor of the brisket, not just its color. I cured one with pink salt and one without and then offered both up to blindfolded tasters. The results were close, but the majority of tasters preferred the flavor of the pink salt batch. Plus, once the blindfolds came off, every single taster preferred the rosy-hued meat. With that, I knew pink salt was a must.

Finally, the seasonings: garlic cloves, allspice berries, bay leaves, coriander seeds, and brown sugar—the flavors of which truly put the meat a notch above commercial corned beef.

As for how long to cure the meat, I’d been following recipes from my research that called for seven days, but others called for as few as four—and both seemed rather arbitrary. I wanted a more precise method to determine when the meat was thoroughly cured, and I realized that the pink salt could help. I started another batch and removed a sample of the core from the brisket each day, simmering them (the meat’s color only changes when it’s cooked) and looking for the point at which the center of the meat turned distinctly pink. The pink crept inward about ¼ inch per day. For the 2½- to 3-inch briskets I was using, that meant a six-day cure was the answer.

Slow and Steady

I wanted to try simmering the brisket in the oven, a method we often use when braising meat because the heat is more gentle and even. Waiting for the water to come to a boil in the oven would greatly prolong the cooking time, so I added the meat (rinsed first to remove the loose spices) and brought the water to a simmer on the stove before moving the pot to a 275-degree oven.

Three hours later, the brisket was fork-tender, at which point I transferred it to a platter to rest, ladling over some of the cooking liquid to keep it moist. Then I moved the pot back to the stove and cooked the vegetables in the meaty liquid: carrots and red potatoes (added first so they cooked through) as well as cabbage wedges. As they simmered, I sliced the brisket thinly against the grain, which ensures that each bite is tender.

Texturally, the meat and vegetables were spoton, but both components tasted a tad washed-out, so I added a cheesecloth bundle of more garlic and curing spices to the cooking liquid (the cheesecloth meant I didn’t have to pluck out any stray spices). This added subtle but clear depth to the dish, which was as impressive-looking as it had been easy to prepare—and so very worth making from scratch.

Recipe 

HOME-CORNED BEEF WITH VEGETABLES
 (SERVES 8 TO 10)

Pink curing salt #1, which can be purchased online or in stores specializing in meat curing, is a mixture of table salt and nitrites; it is also called Prague Powder #1, Insta Cure #1, or DQ Curing Salt #1. In addition to the pink salt, we use table salt here. If using Diamond Crystal kosher salt, increase the salt to 1½ cups; if using Morton kosher salt, increase to 1⅛ cups. This recipe requires six days to corn the beef, and you will need cheesecloth. Look for a uniformly thick brisket to ensure that the beef cures evenly. The brisket will look gray after curing but will turn pink once cooked.

Corned Beef

1 (4½- to 5-pound) beef brisket, flat cut
¾ cup salt
½ cup packed brown sugar
2 teaspoons pink curing salt #1
6 garlic cloves, peeled
6 bay leaves
5 allspice berries
2 tablespoons peppercorns
1 tablespoon coriander seeds

Vegetables

6 carrots, peeled, halved crosswise, thick ends halved lengthwise
1½ pounds small red potatoes, unpeeled
1 head green cabbage (2 pounds), uncored, cut into 8 wedges

1. FOR THE CORNED BEEF:

Trim fat on surface of brisket to ⅛ inch. Dissolve salt, sugar, and curing salt in 4 quarts water in large container. Add brisket, 3 garlic cloves, 4 bay leaves, allspice berries, 1 tablespoon peppercorns, and coriander seeds to brine. Weigh brisket down with plate, cover, and refrigerate for 6 days.

2. Adjust oven rack to middle position and heat oven to 275 degrees. Remove brisket from brine, rinse, and pat dry with paper towels. Cut 8-inch square triple thickness of cheesecloth. Place remaining 3 garlic cloves, remaining 2 bay leaves, and remaining 1 tablespoon peppercorns in center of cheesecloth and tie into bundle with kitchen twine. Place brisket, spice bundle, and 2 quarts water in Dutch oven. (Brisket may not lie flat but will shrink slightly as it cooks.)

3. Bring to simmer over high heat, cover, and transfer to oven. Cook until fork inserted into thickest part of brisket slides in and out with ease, 2½ to 3 hours.

4. Remove pot from oven and turn off oven. Transfer brisket to large ovensafe platter, ladle 1 cup of cooking liquid over meat, cover, and return to oven to keep warm.

5. FOR THE VEGETABLES:

Add carrots and potatoes to pot and bring to simmer over high heat. Reduce heat to medium-low, cover, and simmer until vegetables begin to soften, 7 to 10 minutes.

6. Add cabbage to pot, increase heat to high, and return to simmer. Reduce heat to low, cover, and simmer until all vegetables are tender, 12 to 15 minutes.

7. While vegetables cook, transfer beef to cutting board and slice ¼ inch thick against grain. Return beef to platter. Using slotted spoon, transfer vegetables to platter with beef. Moisten with additional broth and serve.


WHAT TO DO WITH LEFTOVERS


CORNED BEEF HASH
 (SERVES 4)

We like to serve this hash with poached or fried eggs, but any style of egg will work.

3 tablespoons unsalted butter
1 small onion, chopped fine
Salt and pepper
2 pounds russet potatoes, peeled and
cut into ½-inch pieces
2 garlic cloves, minced
¾ cup water
12 ounces cooked corned beef, shredded into bite-size pieces
1 tablespoon hot sauce, plus extra for serving

1. Melt butter in 12-inch nonstick skillet over medium heat. Add onion, ¾ teaspoon salt, and ½ teaspoon pepper and cook, stirring frequently, until onion is translucent, about 3 minutes. Increase heat to medium-high; add potatoes, garlic, and water. Cover and cook for 6 minutes. Remove lid and continue to cook, stirring frequently, until potatoes are cooked through and no water remains in skillet, about 6 minutes longer.

2. Remove skillet from heat and, using spatula or wooden spoon, mash approximately one-eighth of potatoes. Stir mashed potatoes into potato pieces until lightly coated. Stir in corned beef and hot sauce and toss until well combined. Press hash into even layer. Return skillet to high heat and cook, without stirring, for 3 minutes. Carefully slide hash onto large plate. Invert hash onto second plate and, using spatula, slide hash back into skillet. Return hash to high heat and cook second side until browned and crisp around edges, about 3 minutes longer. Transfer to platter and serve, passing extra hot sauce.

**********

Can You Taste the Pink?


Pink salt (a mixture of table salt and sodium nitrite and, depending on the type, also sodium nitrate) has been used since the early 1900s to cure meat and is also what gives the meat its rosy color. (Prior to this, saltpeter, or potassium nitrate, had been used for curing since the Middle Ages.) But does it make the meat taste better?

When we blindfolded tasters and asked them to sample briskets that had been cured with and without pink salt, most preferred the pink salt sample. Its flavor was “cleaner,” whereas the other batch tasted more like plain “boiled beef.”

About the safety of pink salt: Nitrites have gotten a bad rap in recent years for being unhealthy. However, the Centers for Disease Control reports that more than 90 percent of the nitrates we consume (which convert to nitrites in the body) occur naturally in vegetables
and our drinking water.

By Lan Lam in "Cook's Illustrated",USA, number 159, March 2016, excerpts p. 14-15. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

WHOLE-MILK GREEK YOGURT

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Nonfat products used to dominate this market, but now whole-milk versions are taking over. Does more fat equal better yogurt?

Greek yogurt has taken the American supermarket by storm, growing from just 1 percent of the yogurt market in 2007 to nearly 50 percent today. High in protein and indulgently thick and creamy, it’s a satisfying snack and also acts as a key ingredient in savory dips and sauces or as a substitute for sour cream or cream cheese in baking. We last tasted Greek yogurt in 2010 and thought it was time for a fresh look.

At the time of our last tasting, most Greek yogurts were available only in nonfat versions. Today, the whole-milk variety is on the verge of taking over. Because we generally prefer to work with whole-milk dairy in the test kitchen, we decided to focus on it for this tasting.

We stuck with “plain” flavor, not only because it is commonly used as an ingredient but also because it would give any flavor or textural flaws no place to hide. Interestingly, none of the “Greek” yogurts we tasted—we selected seven nationally available products—are made in Greece. Our former favorite, Olympus Yogurt, the only Greek import in our last tasting, is no longer sold in the United States.

We held two blind tastings, with the yogurt first unadorned and then used in tzatziki, a Greek sauce featuring yogurt, shredded cucumber, garlic, and dill. The textures of the yogurts ranged from thick enough to hold a spoon upright to as thin and runny as regular (non-Greek) yogurt. Some were weighty and dense, others as airy as whipped cream. When it came to flavor, the amount of yogurty tang varied greatly. Two products lost points for off-flavors; one reminded tasters of goat cheese, and the other tasted like “cooked milk.” A handful more were practically flavorless. A select few—our favorites—offered clean, milky-sweet flavor with mild but definite tang, and they were nicely thick, which proved to be very important to our tasters. How could plain yogurt vary so much?

Thick or Thin

Yogurt is made by adding live, active bacterial cultures to warm milk. As the bacteria digest lactose, milk’s naturally occurring sugar, they produce lactic acid, which lowers its pH, coagulates the proteins into a gel, and creates yogurt’s characteristic tang. To make Greek yogurt, the fermented milk is strained for several hours through cheesecloth to drain off most of the clear liquid called whey. Because so much liquid is strained out, traditional Greek yogurt starts with three or four times the amount of milk as is necessary to make regular yogurt. (It’s because of this straining that Greek yogurt costs more and is so much higher in protein than regular yogurt.)

That’s the basic traditional process, but modern manufacturers have a bag of tricks that allow for customization: choice of bacterial cultures, type of milk (such as from grain- or grass-fed cows) and its fat level, fermenting time and temperature, and the way in which the yogurt reaches its final thick consistency.

Since texture was paramount to our tasters, we started our investigation there. Most manufacturers today use a costly machine called a yogurt separator, which relies on centrifugal force to wring out the whey. But some opt to add a thickening agent—pectin, milk protein concentrate, or whey protein concentrate—instead to avoid the need for investment in costly separators or waste-processing systems for the strained whey. With this method, manufacturers also avoid losing all that volume to whey that’s poured down the drain.

Unlike pectin, protein concentrates will increase the yogurt’s protein content to be closer to that of a strained yogurt, but that didn’t matter to our tasters, who clearly preferred the creamy thickness of strained brands. Both Cabot’s yogurt, thickened with protein concentrates, and the pectin-thickened yogurt from The Greek Gods lost points for being “grainy” or “chalky,” with “a slight grittiness,” while tasters also noticed that Cabot had a slight “funky,” “cheesy” “off-flavor.” Mirjana Curic-Bawden, principal scientist at Chr. Hansen, a leading international supplier of food cultures that supplies approximately 40 percent of the yogurt cultures used in the United States, said milk protein concentrate can not only give yogurt a powdery, chalky mouthfeel but also readily absorbs odors. If the milk protein concentrate is stored near fragrant substances (such as cheese), those aromas will be transferred to the yogurt.

Still, not all strained brands were well liked. Tasters found that Maple Hill, our bottom-ranked brand, “slumped like soft meringue,” while Chobani was likewise too “loose” and “wet,” characteristics Curic-Bawden said can result from “mechanical shear” during processing. If the yogurt is pumped through the processing lines with too much pressure, it will damage the structure by breaking the bonds that create thickness in the yogurt.

A Matter of Taste

The choice of bacterial cultures is equally important to creating the desired texture as it is to creating the desired acidity (or mildness) and flavor, so we wondered if looking at the cultures listed on the label might help inform our preferences. According to Curic-Bawden, while manufacturers might tout using five or even more live and active cultures, you actually need only one pair, Lactobacillus bulgaricus and Streptococcus thermophilus, to make yogurt. Unless yogurt contains a documented probiotic strain (which is then clearly labeled with alphanumeric strain identity), any other cultures beyond these two are basically window dressing. However, there are endless variations (or strains) of L. bulgaricus and S. thermophilus that will produce radically divergent results. Some are faster to acidify, some affect texture more, and others produce more tangy flavor. But the exact strains are proprietary and a closely guarded secret, so beyond recognizing brands that are trying to woo consumers with those extra “bonus” cultures, we realized we couldn’t draw conclusions by looking at cultures on the label.

Secondary to a thick, dense texture, our tasters made it clear that some—but not too much—tang is essential. When we measured the yogurts’ titratable acidity at an independent laboratory (a higher number means more acidity), the results ranged from 1.05 percent in our blandest yogurt to 1.47 percent in a yogurt with an “assertive” tanginess. Our top choice was right in the middle with 1.26 percent.

As the main ingredient, the type of milk also has an impact on flavor, mostly when unusual choices are made. One disadvantage of our bottom-ranked yogurt was its hint of “barnyard funk” from its use of grass-fed cows’ milk, which has a stronger taste than milk from grain-fed cows. This was a dividing point for our panel, and even many of those who loved it concluded it was just too atypical for “plain” Greek yogurt.

Focus on Fat

Finally, we compared fat levels in the yogurts. We were astonished that the range was anywhere from 9 grams to 22 grams per cup—far beyond the 8 to 9 grams in a cup of whole milk. Yogurt makers can adjust the fat level either at the outset when the milk is cultured or by making yogurt with skim milk and adding varying amounts of cream at the end of the process. But interestingly, fat levels didn’t matter to our tasters as much as the perceived richness of the yogurt—which circled us back to texture. For example, the two leanest yogurts in our lineup each had 9 grams of fat. One scored near the top of our rankings and the other near the bottom. One of them, Dannon Oikos, made up for its leanness with an extra-thick consistency that left an impression that it was “thick, rich, silky.”

By contrast, Chobani was thin and loose, so those same 9 grams of fat came across as “too lean” and “disappointingly virtuous.” Our favorite, Fage Total, contained 11 grams of fat per cup—only half the fat of our highest-fat yogurt—but, bolstered by the thickest, most spoon-standing density in the lineup, it satisfied our tasters.

In the end, Fage Total won top marks across the board. It struck just the right balance of thick and creamy and was mildly tangy, with a fresh, rich dairy flavor that tasted great plain and provided a welcome balance to the pungent tzatziki sauce. One minor note: Yogurt can continue to exude whey even in an unopened container; typically you must stir that whey back in. Fage adds a round of absorbent parchment on top of each tub of yogurt, a nice touch that meant we could skip that step. It’s our new favorite whole-milk Greek yogurt.

By Lisa McManus in "Cook's Illustrated",USA, number 159, March 2016, excerpts p. 26-27. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

MEDIEVAL CITIES

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From Rome to Rheims and Bologna to Bamberg, join us on a tour of the 12th and 13th centuries’ bustling metropolises. Savour their sights and sounds via the accounts of those who lived in them.

BUIDINGS

Towering achievements.
The 12th century is witnessing a major building boom – and, as you’ll see, the the results are spectacular.

The best way to start your tour of Europe’s medieval cities is surely to look to the heavens. Newly built cathedrals and church spires seem to be pushing cities ever upwards, nearer to God – and so are city towers. Some are constructed to defend the city, others are privately owned, adverts of a family’s power. In Metz, as an abbot tells us, you’ll have to crane your neck backwards to see the tops of towers that are lost in the clouds.

If you feel fit enough, you could tick off all 361 towers that an author boasts are dotted around Rome’s city walls. A Milanese called Bonvesin reckons Milan has 120 bell-towers with more than 200 bells – so here you can also experience an amazing melody of sound throughout the day. Bonvesin also recommends Milan’s best viewing point: “Whosoever wishes to see and savour the form of the city and the quality and quantity of its estates and buildings, should ascend thankfully the tower of the court of the commune; from there, turning the eyes all round one can marvel at the wonderful sight.”

For the most spectacular experience, perhaps you should go to Seville and view the huge Tower of Mary. It is said to have four spheres on top, and when the sun strikes them they radiate bright rays throughout the day.

To get in and out of many cities you will have to pass through gates, often adorned with sculptures bearing religious messages. Some gates might even offer prophecies. At Naples locals tell us that a magic spell has been placed on one city gate. If you enter through it on the righthand side, you will receive good fortune, as shown by the marble head laughing in delight. If you enter the left-hand side, near another marble head – this one weeping – it will be bad luck I’m afraid. So take care!

Some cities boast monumental royal palaces, and these are certainly worth a visit. A Parisian student recommends the exceptional royal palace complex next to the Seine on the Île-de-la-Cité. Or if you want to catch a glimpse of the secretive kings of Sicily, head to Palermo. Here in the 12th century you will see the new royal palace rising above the city. But sunglasses might be necessary to fully appreciate is sparking internal walls decorated with gold and precious stones.

COMMERCE

Wine, wool, wax and weapons.
There is little you can’t buy in the biggest city markets – remember to pack your purse!

Europe is in the midst of a commercial revolution, so don’t be surprised to encounter bustling, well-stocked markets whenever you visit a medieval city. Citizens are proud of the range of products that they sell, especially exotic ones. At London’s markets, a writer named William FitzStephen says that you will find Egyptian palm oil, Chinese silks, French wines and Scandinavian furs. At Genoa, a 13th-century poet claims that you can purchase anything you desire. But do note that he complains that the shops are shut on Sundays and feast days!

You can get excellent wine in Rouen, while at Caen a poet tells us that you have the choice of an array of herbs, cinnamon, incense, pepper, apple, honey, wax, cumin and also dyed woollen cloths, threads of linen, soft silk, bristly swines, woolly sheep, animal skins, horses and all types of food and drink. Some cities specialisein particular goods. If we believe some of our authors, the awards for best wool and weapons go to Florence, and best olive oil to Seville.

Many of our writers praise the things that make this productivity possible: rivers (which are the motorways of the Middle Ages), bridges, and the surrounding countryside. The latter is well worth a visit, according to many medieval citizens who suggest the hinterland is like an earthly paradise. No wonder, given that this is where much of the raw materials for the city’s wealth are sourced.

Bonvesin, whom we encountered earlier, claims that the mills in Milan’s surrounding countryside produce enough bread for the entire city and its 100,000 dogs, and that Milan boasts such an abundant grape harvest that it throws more wine away (for flies to become intoxicated on) than some cities have for their entire population.

However, if all this consumerism becomes too much, you could relax in the countryside around Lisbon, where we're told the coastal air and pure water springs will protect you from coughts and tuberculosis.

EDUCATION

Founts of all knowledge.
Join the intelligentsia flocking to Europe’s flourishing universities.

If your tastes are a little more refined than the average tourist, you’ll be delighted to learn that medieval Europe is undergoing an intellectual revival. Schools are springing up across the biggest cities (rather than in rural monasteries), and these are now being joined by universities. So, if you’d like to mix it with students and academics, you could learn from the best legal experts at the university in Bologna, or train for a career in the civil service in Naples. Or why not devour Aristotelian philosophy at university in Toulouse? These cities boast that there is an abundance of goods to make for comfortable student living too.

But for the supreme university experience, you must head to Paris, which leads the way in theological studies. Letters from Parisian students speak glowingly of the academic debates you can attend and of the throng of scholars. This knowledge transforms Paris (Parisius) into Paradise (Paradisus), so you'll find yourself in a 'garden of delights' (paradisus deliciarum) and a 'city of letters' (civitas litterarum).

Because of this educational climate medieval cities are widely hailed as centres of civilisation. Their citizens are praised for elegance and sophistication. A 13th century encyclopaedia entry on Venice says it would take “too long to recount all goodness and virtues and wisdom and knowledge and foresight and harmony and peace and love and humility and righteousness of the people of Venice”. And our friend Bonvesin has helpfully written a book on table manners called "The Fifty Courtesies of the Table". It advises people against speaking with full mouths, sneezing or coughing on the table and, worst of all, licking their fingers.

RELIGION

Divine designs.
Finding God will be easier than you ever imagined.

The Christian faith has certainly made its presence felt in Europe’s medieval metropolises – and not just in their holiest shrines and vaulting cathedrals. Take a walk around any number of city centres and you’ll find that their layouts are heavily influenced by their designers’ piety.

Take Chester, for example. According to the monk Lucian, its two main roads meet in the middle of the city to form a cross. At the ends of both roads you will find a city gate, each protected by a patron saint: St John, St Peter, St Werburgh and St Michael.

At Bamberg, on the advice of a German imperial official, you can trace the position of the four churches located around the main cathedral and see how they create a cruciform shape at the heart of the city.

Perhaps, though, you would simply prefer to marvel at the magnificent new cathedrals and shrines that are being built in many of Europe’s cities. In Milan, one 13th-century writer tells us, there are 200 saints’ shrines and around 480 altars.

William FitzStephen recommends London, not only to see the wonderful cathedral of St Paul but also to soak up the piety of its inhabitants. FitzStephen claims you will see excellent holy plays, and citizens joyously celebrating saints' days and charitably offering alms into any heretics, your best bet is Venice,a city free from such troublemakers – or so a Venetian chronicler boasts.

HERITAGE

Past glories.
Marvel at the money-spinning potential of the cities’ ancient remains.

Finally, you might want to extend your foray into medieval cities by learning more about these conurbations’ distant pasts. Europe’s leading cities are becoming increasingly keen to understand (and manufacture) their own origins. This is part of a renewed craze for the ancient world.

Rome has to be your starting point. Medieval writers marvel at the city’s ancient remains, so lamenting their decay. They encourage you to look anew at the magnificence of structures such as the Colosseum and the Baths of Diocletian, or to read the inscription at the spot where Julius Caesar is commemorated. Rome's 12th century rulers have even put a preservation order on Trajan's Column so that it will remain intact for "as long as the world lasts".

You could also visit all those cities - such as Rouen and Seville - which claim to have been founded by Julius Caesar, and walk in the footsteps of one of the most famous Roman generals. It you’re looking for something even more ancient, try Trier, which maintains that it was founded by Trebeta, the son of Ninus, the king of the Assyrians.

Rouen has a quirky slogan about its ancient past which is based on its Latin name: Rodomus (Romanorum domus), the dwelling place of the Romans. Other cities have developed these catchy ‘brand names’: Rheims is supposedly named after Remus, the brother of Romulus, who founded Rome. León in Spain allegedly took its name Leo (lion) in honour of its former ruler Leovigild, king of the Visigoths.

You could even visit the supposed burial place of King Lud at Ludgate in London. He was an ancient mythical ruler who is said to have given his name to the city (Lundinium).

No doubt you’d like to take away a souvenir of your trip. Perhaps you could keep a coin minted in one of the cities, or furtively detach a seal from a document. Since about 1150, these have contained images of the city, local saints, or ancient mythical founders.

So, don’t worry, you don’t need to read Latin to understand these cities' rich histories – you can simply admire the visual evidence all around you.

By Paul Oldfield in "BBC History UK", December 2016, excerpts pp.31-36. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

LEADING A LIFE OF LUXURY IN ANCIENT CIVILISATIONS

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No ancient civilisation was an island – and certainly not the remarkably civilised Aegean islands of Minoan Crete and Thera (Santorini) during the Middle Bronze Age (circa 1900-1600 BC). The Minoans, as Thucydides wrote in the 5th century BC, thrived by thalassocratia, ‘the power of the seas’. Yet we are less certain of how the Minoans used that power and of the relationship between economic exchanges and cultural influence. The search for a deeper understanding of the relationship between the Minoans and their Near Eastern neighbours has now directly led to a Canaanite palace at Tel Kabri in north-western Israel.

More than a century of excavations, notably by Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos, have demonstrated the wealth and artistic sophistication of Minoan civilisation. Textual evidence confirms the presence of Minoan traders on the Syro-Canaanite coast. An inventory from Mari in modern Syria, dating from the 18th century BC, describes an allocation of tin to an interpreter working for the chief Caphtorite (Cretan) merchant at the port of Ugarit. Yet until recently, little archaeological evidence could be found outside the Aegean Islands for the most familiar of Minoan exports, those instantly recognisable, colourful elegant frescoes from Knossos in Crete and Akrotiri on Thera.

The first sighting of Minoan imagery was a bull’s horn and a possible double-axe, reconstructed by Sir Leonard Woolley from fragments discovered in 1937-39 and 1946-49 at Alalakh (Tell Atcharna), on the southern coast of modern Turkey. Woolley also confirmed Comte du Mesnil du Buisson’s discovery in the 1920s of Aegeanstyle wall-paintings in imitation of marble at Qatna (Tell Mishrifeh), in modern Syria.

Half a century passed, however, before a series of remarkable discoveries confirmed a wider Minoan presence in the region. During the 1990s at Tell el-Dab’a in the Nile Delta, the Austrian archaeologist Manfred Bietak found Aegean-style fragments of a fresco depicting bull-leapers like those at Knossos, painted over a maze pattern evoking the myth of Theseus and the Minotaur. Then, between 2000 and 2004, Peter Pfälzer of Tübingen University uncovered more than 3000 fragments at Qatna, with running floral motifs and also dolphins familiar to us from the frescoes in the palace of Knossos.

But earlier, back in 1986, Aharon Kempinski of Tel Aviv University and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier of Heidelberg University had begun to excavate at Tel Kabri, five kilometres east of the Israeli coastal town of Nahariya. There, in 1989, they discovered a ‘ceremonial hall’ with an Aegean-style painted plaster floor. A grid of red lines formed a red-and-white chequer-board-style pattern with plants, such as irises and crocuses, depicted within its many squares. There were also marbling effects painted in red, brown, yellow and grey. These designs are similar to those found in Aegean palaces.

At the threshold between the hall and an adjoining room, several thousand fragments were packed together: the remains of a small wall fresco, which appears to have been removed and reused as material for later construction.

Kempinski and Niemeier retrieved around 2000 of these fragments and deduced that the fresco had once shown a landscape of hills and sea, not unlike the miniature fresco discovered in 1972 by Spyridon Marinatos at the West House at Akrotiri on Santorini.

These were significant discoveries, but Tel Kabri’s extent and potential only became apparent after 2005, when digging resumed under Dr Eric Cline of George Washington University and Assaf Yasur-Landau, Associate Professor of Mediterranean Archaeology at Haifa University. Kempinski and Niemeier had estimated that the palace covered about 2000 square metres, a respectable size for a Canaanite palace of the Middle Bronze Age. But Tel Kabri turned out to be much larger, and much richer in Minoan-linked findings.

‘We call it the palace that keeps on giving,’ says Cline. The 2005 excavation was followed by further digs in 2009, 2011 and 2015. ‘Each time we think we’ve reached the limits of the palace, we turn out to hit another wall, and then the next room. First we went to 4000 sqm, then to 6000 sqm; now, we’re thinking it’s closer to 8000 sqm. That makes it one of the largest Canaanite palaces around.’

The sheer scale of Tel Kabri suggests that it must have had links with Hazor, the largest city in the Galilee region, and one of the largest in the Fertile Crescent. Tel Kabri’s inhabitants would have been socially and economically influential in northwestern Galilee. The political structure of northern Canaan is on Cline and Yasur-Landau’s research list. ‘We want to investigate how a Canaanite palace formed and developed in this period, how it utilised the Mediterranean landscape to consolidate its economy, and what connections the palace had to other Mediterranean elites,’ Yasur-Landau explains.

The palace does not appear to have been built by an invader. ‘We don’t see any destruction, only construction,’ says Cline. He and Yasur-Landau may have identified the origins of at least one of the palace’s builders. Towards the end of the Middle Bronze II period (circa 1600 BC), a large and expensive building was constructed abutting the palace’s western wall. The new walls were lined with orthostat blocks, large slab-like stones measuring up to five feet in length. Each block was drilled with a square dowel hole, probably so that a wooden façade could be hung on the exterior of the wall, like a modern window blind. Cline and Yasur-Landau note the similarity between these blocks and those in the Minoan palaces at Phaistos and Malia in Crete.

‘It wasn’t just the ceremonial hall that was painted,’ adds Cline. ‘There were Aegean-style paintings scattered in several different areas of this Canaanite palace.’ As the dig expanded, fragments of another Aegean floor and fresco came to light. The second set of fragments was also painted in the Aegean style, in red, orange, yellow, brown, black, white and blue – this is the first time that blue paint from this period had been discovered in Israel.

Half a dozen of the fragments fitted together to depict part of a white animal, outlined in black against a blue background. Cline and Yasur-Landau interpret this partial image as a fish’s fin or a griffin’s wing. They suggest parallels between this figure and the flying fish fresco at Phylakopi on the Cycladic island of Milos, or the griffin from Mycenae.

The extent of the palace is still to be defined: the archaeologists have yet to locate its perimeter. Already, though, it has been established that the ancient ‘wine cellar’ – discovered in 2013 to the west of the palace’s central courtyard – is the largest known in the Near East. ‘When we found the original wine cellar in 2013,’ says Cline, ‘we thought that we had 40 jars, each containing 50 litres. That’s a substantial amount. In today’s terms, 2000 litres would equate to about 3000 bottles.’

Stored next to a ceremonial room suitable for staging banquets, this would have supported the household for a year. But further analysis soon expanded the economic significance of the cellar. ‘It now turns out that we underestimated the capacity of the jars by half or more,’ reports Cline. ‘Each jar will actually hold 113 litres. So instead of 2000 litres, we’re now looking at more than 4000 litres, just in that one cellar. Then, in 2015, we found another three rooms, with another 70 jars and we suspect that there may be another row of storerooms, immediately to the west of these three rooms.’

The volume of wine held in the cellars increases the likelihood that it was not only reserved for the ruler, his household and his guests, but that some of it could have been stored for commercial purposes. ‘Maybe there was enough for them to be distributing it,’ opines Cline.

Wine was a staple of Bronze Age palace life, and viticulture was vital to the extra-palatial economy. Storage rooms are known to have existed at Mari in Mesopotamia, and large jars have also been found in the Aegean palaces at Knossos and Pylos in the Peloponnese. Cline and Yasur-Landau suspect that the palace and its estate played a role in the regional economy comparable to that of a Greek oikos (an Ancient Greek household unit).

The jars found at Tel Kabri were the first to have their contents empirically confirmed by Organic Residue Analysis. Testing conducted by Professor Andrew Koh at Brandeis University, near Boston, Massachusetts, revealed traces of honey, storax resin, terebinth resin, cedar oil, juniper and, perhaps mint, myrtle and cinnamon. These additives are attested in texts from 18th century BC found in Mari and the Ebers Papyrus (an Egyptian medical document concerning the use of herbs, dating from circa 1550 BC).

‘This wine may have been valued not just for its complex taste, but also for its fragrance,’ Yasur-Landau suggests. ‘It included exotic scents like cedar oil and storax, which was also an ingredient of incense.’

The wines, like the clay that made the jars, were a local vintage. Then, as now, the Upper Galilee was a wine-growing region. In the Zenon Archive from Ptolemaic Egypt, a papyrus dating from 257 BC refers to 80,000 vines on the Bethanath estate (near modern Karmiel), which was only 15km southeast of Tel Kabri. The animals consumed by the palace’s inhabitants were similarly local. ‘The palace elite hunted game such as aurochs (wild cattle), deer and wetland birds,’ says Yasur-Landau. ‘These were eaten along with domesticated sheep and goats at large-scale banquets.’ The origins of the food and the scale of its consumption suggest that the palace was a large estate, with an extensive household.

The Zenon papyrus also mentions that wines from Bethanath grapes were purportedly indistinguishable from the celebrated wines of Chios. If Tel Kabri’s wines were exported to compete with the best Aegean wines, that might explain an anomaly in jar capacity.

‘The type of jars that we found in 2015 were slightly different from the jars that we found in 2013,’ Cline says. ‘We found two different sizes in the same location. One was the large 113-litre jar, and the other was smaller. Not much smaller: the small jars are around 80cm tall, as opposed to 100cm tall. But the small jars do seem more readily transportable. It’s possible that the wine came into the palace in the small jars and was then decanted into the large jars, which stayed in place. It’s also possible that the wine was decanted from the large jars, and exported in the small jars.’

The interactions between Aegeans and Levantines must be framed by the wider context. Culturally, the traffic ran in both directions. In Ugaritic myth, Kothar wa-Khasis, the god of handicrafts, comes from Caphtor (Crete) and the Aegean, to build a palace for the god Ba’al in the Levant. The later Minoans exported pottery, wine and food, and imported precious goods, such as ivory from Egypt and copper from Cyprus, for refinement in Crete. In Cretan myth, Europa, the mother of King Minos of Crete, is a noble Phoenician, abducted from the coast of Phoenicia by Zeus in the form of a white bull, and carried to Crete. Early Minoan art bears traces of Levantine and Egyptian influence, to the extent that Sir Leonard Woolley posited Levantine origins for Minoan culture.

The direction of wine exports does not dictate the movement of artistic styles. Nor does the direction in which artistic styles first travel dictate the subsequent movements of their practitioners. Radio carbon dating is crucial to our understanding of Tel Kabri’s aesthetics. Testing suggests that the frescoes date to the 17th century BC. That makes the Tel Kabri frescoes much older than the Qatna frescoes, which date to the 14th century BC, slightly older than those at Tell el-Dab’a, and about the same age as the Alalakh frescoes. It also dates the frescoes to a period when Minoan civilisation was stable and affluent. This in turn supports hypotheses for the presence of skilled Aegean artisans in Canaan.

‘There was a destruction at Knossos, probably an earthquake, and usually dated to around 1700 BC,’ says Cline. ‘But the Minoans picked up and carried on, until the Myceneans came in around 1350 BC. So we are looking into the gap between those two events.

This is interesting, and complicating.’ There was also the eruption at Thera, around 1628 BC. ‘It is certainly a possibility that our Minoans may have been fleeing the eruption,’ Cline allows.

Yet, although the frescoes at Tel Kabri resemble those at Akrotiri, their artists might not have been refugees from the Cyclades, or even freelance itinerants, as Cline explains: ‘They could also have been sent as a gift exchange. We have the Amarna Letters from the 14th century BC which describe craftsmen, artists, surgeons and sculptors being sent between royal courts.’ If this is true, the frescoes would have shown their owner’s wealth and sophistication, and would also have indicated the kind of Mediterranean connections that a Canaanite king might have envied.

But a further mystery surrounds the fate of Tel Kabri’s frescoes. Around 1500 BC, the palace fell from use, for reasons still to be ascertained but, curiously, the frescoes had already been taken down. This also happened at Alalakh and at Tell el-Dab’a. Only at Qatna were the frescoes still on the walls when the palace was destroyed. Why did Aegean-style wall-painting fall from favour, and why did the inhabitants bother to remove a fresco when it was cheaper and faster to whitewash over it? Further carbon-dating may give us answers to some of these questions.

Cline and Yasur-Landau are planning to accelerate excavations, with digs in 2017, 2018 and 2019.

‘We’re really the only accessible Canaanite site for the Middle Bronze Age in the region,’ Cline says. ‘There’s almost nothing built on top of it. You start digging, and you’re right there. This presents an opportunity unlike any other to really get to the heart of what it means to be Canaanite at this time.’

And that, it appears, will also take us closer to the heart of what it meant to be Minoan in the Middle Bronze Age.

By Dominic Green in "Minerva" UK, volume 27, n. 2, March-April 2016, excerpts pp. 26-30. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD - WHAT'S YOUR POISON?

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In AD 19 Germanicus  the popular 34-year-old hero of the Roman army and overall commander of the legions of the Eastern provinces, was suddenly stricken by an illness that proved fatal. There was no doubt in the general’s mind that he had been poisoned and he knew that the only person who would dare to strike at him in such a manner was Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso (circa 44 BC-AD 20), the governor of Syria, who had tried to undermine his authority.

But before Piso could be caught and put on trial, he fled from Syria. According to Tacitus, when Germanicus’ men searched through the governor’s home they found ‘human bodies, spells, curses, leaden tablets engraved with the name of Germanicus, charred and blood-smeared ashes and others of the implements of witchcraft’ (Annals, 2.69.3).

In AD 20 Piso was put on trial in Rome in front of the Senate but, although his accusers proved that Germanicus was poisoned, Piso maintained his innocence and denied he played any part in the murder. Ostensibly he committed suicide before sentence was passed although some believed he, too, was murdered.

The death of Germanicus  and the trial of Piso show just how closely poison was associated with sorcery in Roman times. The crime of poisoning was known as veneficium. Yet the Latin term venena did not only mean ‘poisons’, it was also used to describe potions and other magical substances. So, a veneficus could be either a poisoner or a sorcerer, or sorceress, skilled in magic, or both.

This strong link between magic and poison originated in Greek mythology: Hecate the often triple headed goddess of magic, crossroads, ghosts and necromancy, was a sorceress with a deep knowledge of poisons. According to Ovid in Metamorphoses (14.55-62), it was Hecate who taught the enchantress Circe spells, which she combined with the use of poisonous herbs to attack her rival, the beautiful nymph Scylla:

"And Circe dyed this pool with bitter poisons,
Poured liquids brewed from evil roots, and murmured,
With lips well-skilled in magic, and thrice nine times,
A charm, obscure with labyrinthine language.
There Scylla came; she waded into the water,
Waist-deep, and suddenly saw her loins disfigured
With barking monsters, and at first she could not
Believe that these were parts of her own body."

The tale of Circe using poison to transform the lovely Scylla into a monster is not the only time she employs magical potions to achieve her nefarious ends. In the Odyssey, Homer tells us that Circe gave his hero a drink containing pharmaka that would transform him into a pig – she had already turned his crew into swine. But, luckily for Odysseus, the god Hermes had supplied him with a plant called moly that countered these magical effects.

Poison also played a central role in the story of the demi-god Herakles. After slaying the Lernean Hydra, the epic warrior dipped the tips of his arrows into the venom still in the creature’s carcass. Herakles went on to use the poisonous arrows on several occasions, but this often led to tragedy for the hero or those closest to him. The poisoned arrows caused the death of two of his friends, Chiron and Pholus, and another was responsible for Herakles’ own demise.

When the centaur Nessus kidnapped Herakles’ wife, Deianeira, the hero fired one of the venom-tipped arrows into the creature’s back. The missile penetrated deep and struck Nessus’ heart but, before he died, he gave Deianeira his blood-soaked tunic, telling herthat it had aphrodisiac powers. Years later, hearing that she had a rival for Herakles’ affection, she sent her servant Lichas (5) to him with the magnificent tunic (still stained with the toxic blood) hoping that it would make her more attractive to him. But the minute Herakles put it on, he felt such horrific pain that he burned himself alive to end his suffering. As well as appearing in mythology, the term pharmakis (witch) also crops up in plays, such as The Clouds by Aristophanes. It describes any sorceress that could be hired in Thessaly, the birthplace of witchcraft in ancient Greece – not surprisingly it was Medea’s homeland.

Plato, on the other hand, had a much more rational, practical, ‘modern’ view on what he referred to as the two different types of magic known as pharmakeia. The first kind was essentially psychological – it generated fear in its victims. The second was any substance, such as poison found infood or drink, that caused harmful biological effects. If someone was harmed by a pharmakon, Plato thought that it had more to do with toxins in the substance rather than any magical qualities.

But even if the nature of poison was not entirely understood, the Greeks were fully aware that certainindividuals knew the effects of pharmaka and that they used them to deliberately harm others. For this reason, special laws were created to deal with crimes involving poison, and trials were held to determine whether the accused knew the substances they had given to the victim were harmful or not.

Like homicide, cases in which pharmaka caused the death of an individual were tried at the Areopagus in Athens, the most important court of the city-state. If the court found the accused guilty of murder using poison, execution was the punishment that followed, unless the guilty party managed to escape before the final verdict was proclaimed. But, even if the criminals escaped with their lives, they were forced into exile in perpetuity, or, as a 5th-century BC inscription, known as the Teian Curses states, the penalty could be far worse. If someone was found guilty of the manufacture of harmful pharmaka in Teos (near modern Izmir), the entire family of the accused was executed together with the criminal.

A common trend for the accused in Greek poison cases was that they claimed that the pharmakon they had given to the victim was a love-potion and they were completely unaware of its negative effects. Many accused wives even cited the story of Deianeira accidentally poisoning Herakles when she thought she was giving him a love-potion in their defence.

As it was often unclear as to exactly what ingredients pharmaka contained, or whether or not those substances were toxic, it was very difficult to provide evidence of criminal intent. One of the most well-known cases concerning poisons and love-potions occurred in Athens in 420 BC and is described in the speech Against the Stepmother by Antiphon. A man named Philoneus was preparing to sell his concubine but, before he could do so, she gave him and his friend wine containing a pharmakon. Because the desperate concubine wanted the love-potion to have a greater effect on Philoneus she gave him much more of the concoction and he died instantly, while his friend suffered for 20 days before meeting his end. The former mistress-slave was then immediately tried for murder, found guilty, tortured and executed.

What made the Attic poison case even more complicated was that before the death of the friend, he told Philoneus’ son that his stepmother was the real culprit behind the murder for she had given the naive concubine the supposed love-potion, knowing that it was poison. He knew Philoneus’ wife had attempted to kill him before, thus her plan had succeeded the second time. The victim’s son pleaded with the Areopagus to convict his stepmother. It is not known whether or not the stepmother was found guilty for the crime of supplying the mistress with the pharmakon, but what is certain is that the prosecutor had to prove that the stepmother intended to kill the two men with the substance. Otherwise, it was simply a love-potion that failed to work, with disastrous consequences.

According to Livy, the first trial involving veneficium on the Roman record occurred in 331 BC. Similar to Greek poison cases, the trial centred on the difficulty of determining whether a substance was medicine or poison. After many male aristocrats had become ill from some unknown sickness, a maid-servant confessed to the Senate that she knew several matrons were manufacturing venena. When the matrons were caught in the act, it was discovered that some 20 noble-women may have been involved.

Two of the accused, Sergia and Cornelia, were adamant that their intention was to create medicamenta (medicine), not poison. The noblewomen were then challenged to consume their supposed medicine. Eventually, all agreed to drink the concoctions and every one of them died shortly afterwards.

Several other cases involving veneficium or pharmaka in the Graeco-Roman world centred on the trial of sorceresses, mages and witches involved in all sorts of witchcraft, not just poisoning. In the 350s or 340s BC, for example, the priestess Nino was put to death for manufacturing pharmaka, and for many other crimes. Furthermore, around 338 BC, a witch named Theoris was tried and executed with her whole family when found guilty of selling incantations and pharmaka.

Yet not all poison experts were put on trial and charged. King Mithridates VI of Pontus (r 120-63 BC), who was fascinated by poisons and their cures, was almost always escorted by a group of Scythian shamans who had a deep in love with him. His accusers cited several examples of his strange actions in order to prove their case, one of which was asking his slave to acquire a poisonous type of mollusc. The speech Apuleius gave in his own defence before Claudius Maximus, the proconsul of Africa, was however so convincing that the charge was ultimately dropped.

The law on veneficium may have worked in many homicide cases but, by the time of the Imperial Era, the rulers of Rome had grown so powerful they had become impervious to such legislation. Although Piso was put on trial for the murder of Germanicus his uncle, Tiberius(r AD 14-37) almost certainly appointed Piso as governor in order to check the rising power of his nephew who was a direct successor to the imperial title. Tiberius may have even approved of the poisoning in order to remove the threat posed by his popular nephew, but he was never officially accused.

Nero (r AD 54-68) was considerably more blatant when defying the poison law. Like Mithridates, Nero  brought a poison expert into his service, the notorious Locusta. Following his orders, Locusta created a poison and slipped it into a drink for the emperor’s half-brother, Britannicus. Once the boy drank the concoction, he  mmediately began to convulse violently and died shortly afterwards. Many at the dinner suspected Nero but no one dared to accuse him, the body was removed and the dinner resumed. Despite the emperors disregard for the veneficium law, poison cases were still tried in the Roman empire, but as Christianity rapidly grew in popularity, the legislation began to change. Eventually, the intent behind the use of venena no longer mattered because every type of magic potion and poison was seen as pagan and heretical, and so illegal, regardless of intention.

By Erich B. Anderson in "Minerva" UK, volume 27, n. 5, September-October 2016, excerpts pp. 22-26. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

GENUINE JAPANESE WAGYU BEEF

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As one of Japan’s finest exports, real Wagyu beef is revered across the world for its unique flavour, texture and heritage. Here’s why you should stock it

When it comes to beef, none come finer than Japanese Wagyu. Testament to the quality of the beef as well as the dedication of the professionals working to impressively high standards, this Japanese delicacy has found a passionate audience across the world.

While there are now multiple producers of Wagyu beef in Britain, retailers keen to focus only on the very best and most authentic product should look to genuine exports from Japan – the home of Wagyu.

Universal Wagyu Mark

In order to ensure that the quality of real Wagyu beef is consistent, the Universal Wagyu Mark was established in 2007. Working as the proof of authenticity, the mark ensures that the Wagyu enjoyed around the world is of a consistently high standard. The Mark is used both in Japan and the EU to demonstrate that the beef holding the mark has been endorsed as genuine Japanese Wagyu.

The mark is used over 40 countries in the world including Japan and EU, and if the cattle is not raised in Japan, the mark shouldn’t appear on package of meat. In order to obtain the Universal Wagyu Mark, it is essential that the meat must have come from pure breed cattle. In this sense, Wagyu cattle from elsewhere in the world has been cross-bred and will therefore not meet the mark’s expectations.

Meat quality is of paramount importance to the producers of genuine Wagyu beef. The cut surface between the sixth and seventh ribs are judged based on four criterior: marbling, colour and shine of the meat, firmness and texture, and the colour and shine of the fat. The fine marbling of Japanese Wagyu is key to its recognisability and success, affecting as it does the meat’s texture and flavour, while the fat itself needs to be clear white in order to meet the high standards of the graders.

Traceability is key to the quality of Japanese Wagyu, so each animal is given a ten-digit identification number so that its provenance can be verified; this is demonstrated in the family census register which documents each detail of the animal’s history including information about the pedigree going back up to three generations, its DNA data, and the farm the animal was raised on.



Why choose Wagyu?

There are many reasons why Wagyu stands out amongst other beef products:

VALUABLE MARBLING

Real Wagyu beef’s unique fat marbling means that the meat maintains its soft, smooth texture when cooked. Unlike other beef, the fat of which melts at around 30-40 degrees Celsius, the fat of Wagyu melts at 25 degrees – creating a melt in the mouth texture.

HIGH QUALITY MEAT

The unquestionable quality of genuine Japanese Wagyu beef means that it fits well into the product selection of fine food retailers. Shoppers at these establishments are conscientious about buying the best quality food they can and are keen to learn the story behind these products; real Wagyu beef offers retailers a unique story to share with their customers.

UNIQUE FLAVOUR AND AROMA

Japanese Wagyu gives off a sweeter, richer aroma than standard beef when cooked. The aroma, which some liken to coconuts and peaches, is unique to this meat and is in part due to its high content of oleic acid. This natural element of real Wagyu boosts its flavour, and producers are working on ways to increase its levels in the meat to add value.

TRACEABILITY

Genuine Japanese Wagyu beef is produced according to high hygiene standards, and every stage of the production process is closely monitored to ensure the best possible product reaches the consumer. Information regarding the gender and breed of the cattle, the history of its mother and the geography of the farm it was raised on are all to be found on the calf registration certificate.



THE HISTORY OF WAGYU

The story of Japanese Wagyu begins with the production of one of Japan’s most essential foods: rice. Cattle have long been indespensible in the farming of rice after being brought to Japan from the continent in around 400 BC, but due in part to their value in this capacity and some religious reasons, meat was not traditionally eaten in the country. This was the case until around 1877, when 558 gyunabe hot pot restaurants – seen as an aspect of the Westernisation of Japan – opened in Tokyo.

In time the demand for beef grew, and the draft cattle used in this practice – which is now largely managed by machinery – have were improved throughout the years to boast a fine flavour, unique fat content and subsequent high value. The roots of genuine Japanese Wagyu beef is thought to lie with Chiya cattle, which were crossbred in 1830 to produce quality Takenotani Tsuru-ushi beef.

When it comes to the feeding of Japanese Wagyu cattle, only the best food will do and from the day they are born until they’re eight to ten years old. Wagyu cattle are raised in the open air and feed on the natural pasture of meadows. The animals are then fed by whole crop silage – invaluable for the marbling and bright white colour of the fat – as well as grass and rice straw roughage.

Primarily raised in the Kinki and Chugoku regions of Japan. The Japanese Black was certified as an indigenous beef cattle in 1944 after being used as work cattle and cross-bred with foreign breeds during the Meiji era to produce a uniquely textured and flavoured meat.

In 1966, a competition focused on the improving quality of genuine Japanese Wagyu was held in Okayama with the theme ‘Can Wagyu be used as beef cattle?’. Since then, the competition has been held every five years.

Real Wagyu has been important to the Japanese public for generations. So much so, that the animals play a part in many festivals and traditional arts across the country.

Japanese Wagyu cattle are nurtured by hand since birth to ensure a fine flavour. Some farmers even provide their calves with handmade jackets in cold weather!

The word ‘Wagyu’ represents the harmony and peace at the heart of Japan.

Published in magazine "Speciality Food", UK,November/December 2016 issue, excerpts pp.24-25. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

GREAT GRILL-ROASTED BEEF TENDERLOIN

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To deliver great grill flavor to beef tenderloin, we had to upend the most commonly held notion about the source of that flavor.

Grilled to a perfect medium-rare, a rosy-pink, ultratender beef tenderloin is a great centerpiece for summer entertaining. The only trouble is, this cut’s flavor is fairly mild. To amp things up, many recipes call for smoking the tenderloin over wood chips, wrapping it with cured meats like pancetta or bacon, or rubbing it with an abundance of spices.

The result? The meat’s delicate flavor is overwhelmed. I wanted a grilled beef tenderloin that tasted beefy—not smoky or porky or spicy—with just enough flavor from the grill to complement and amplify the roast’s natural flavor. And of course, I wanted the roast to be perfectly cooked.

Inner Perfection

I settled on a ready-to-go center-cut tenderloin (also known as Châteaubriand) rather than a larger whole tenderloin. The center-cut option comes cleaned of fat and silverskin by the butcher and makes enough to serve a small group. All I had to do was tie the roast at 1½-inch intervals to keep it uniform in shape, ensuring even cooking and an attractive presentation.

After seasoning my roast with salt and pepper and giving it a thin coating of oil to encourage browning, I fired up the grill. I decided I’d start my testing on a gas grill since it would be more challenging to produce grill flavor; once I’d perfected the cooking method, I would translate the recipe for a charcoal grill.

Many recipes call for grilling tenderloin over medium heat, but this necessitates constantly turning the roast to ensure even cooking, and inevitably some of the meat just beneath the surface overcooks. I knew I’d rely on indirect, low-and-slow heat to cook my roast through since it would be the most gentle and even. The higher the heat the meat is exposed to, the more its proteins contract, and thus squeeze out juices, so by keeping the roast away from intense direct heat, I would also be minimizing the juices lost. After the grill was preheated, I turned off all but the primary burner and placed the roast on the cooler side of the grill. With a little experimentation, I found that keeping the grill at 300 degrees and placing the tenderloin about 7 inches from the primary burner yielded a roast with an interior that was rosy and juicy from edge to edge.

Dripping with Flavor

With the inside of the roast looking good, I turned my focus to improving its flavor and exterior appearance — it needed some browning, and it didn’t taste grilled. The two attributes are related. Part of grill flavor is attributed to browning—both the deep color the roast develops where it comes in contact with the bars of the grill’s cooking grate and the overall browning the exterior develops through indirect heat. That much is pretty well known. Less widely known is the fact that grill flavor also comes from the meat’s drippings hitting the heat diffusers on a gas grill (also known as flavorizer bars) or the hot coals on a charcoal grill. These drippings break down into new flavorful compounds and then vaporize, waft up, and condense when they hit the food, sticking to it and adding that grill flavor.

The drippings are generally a combination of fat and juices, but a conversation with our science editor informed me that the fats have a much bigger role in creating grilled flavor. Problem: Châteaubriand is a very lean cut, so I didn’t have much to work with. But I had an outside-the-box thought: What if I put something else on the grill alongside the tenderloin that could provide the fat that translates into great grill flavor? Whatever I chose, though, would have to be cheap and readily available. I came up with a short list of options: bacon and salt pork. I made two tenderloins, using a different potential grill “flavorizer” for each. In both cases, I put the flavorizer directly over the lit burner to maximize the rendered fat it exuded.

Bacon won out. It was easier to work with, and it boosted the grilled flavor of my roast without producing a hard-tocontrol fire as the salt pork did. That is, as long as I didn’t lay the strips out flat on the grill. The key was shaping a few strips of bacon into a compact block by stacking three slices and then threading them accordion-style onto a metal skewer. Positioned over the heat diffusers, the bacon heated through slowly, rendering its fat at a measured pace.

Over the hour-long (give or take) cooking time, the bacon definitely boosted the grill flavor of the tenderloin, but my tasters agreed that it still wasn’t as good as they thought it could be. My roast looked burnished, but it wasn’t really browned. I needed the savory flavors that occur when meat browns via a process called the Maillard reaction for the best, most rounded grill flavor.

Browning Basics

I headed back outside to try again. This time, I cooked the tenderloin quickly over high heat until it was lightly browned, keeping in mind that too much time spent over direct heat would lead to overcooking. I then moved it to the cooler part of the grill to cook through. The results were promising—the roast tasted grilled—but I wanted even more flavor.

More time on the heat wasn’t an option; I needed a way to speed up the browning. I knew from test kitchen experience that the Maillard reaction occurs more readily as pH increases. And the easiest way to raise the pH in this situation would be to apply some baking soda. I made a paste by combining baking soda with the salt, pepper, and oil I was already rubbing on the tenderloin’s exterior and carefully applied this mixture. This time, the tenderloin browned more readily, and the difference in flavor between this roast and my previous attempts was obvious. Each bite of juicy, pink meat offered up all the flavor that grilled meat should have.

Translating this recipe for a charcoal grill was fairly simple. I used just 4 quarts of charcoal (enough to fill a large chimney starter two-thirds full) and spread the coals evenly over half the grill. Instead of centering the bacon skewer over the coals, where the fire is hottest, I kept it near the center of the grill where the heat is gentler so that it wouldn’t render too quickly.

While the roast cooked, I put together a couple of no-cook sauces to serve with the tenderloin. Both chimichurri and a chermoula worked well, lending fresh, bright flavor with plenty of herbs. They were the ideal summery match for my savory, meaty grilled tenderloin.

Recipe

GRILL-ROASTED BEEF TENDERLOIN (SERVES 4 TO 6)

Center-cut beef tenderloin roasts are sometimes sold as Châteaubriand. You will need one metal skewer for this recipe. The bacon will render slowly during cooking, creating a steady stream of smoke that flavors the beef. Serve the roast as is or with Chermoula Sauce.

2¼ teaspoons salt
1 teaspoon pepper
2 teaspoons vegetable oil
1 teaspoon baking soda
1 (3-pound) center-cut beef tenderloin roast, trimmed and tied at 1½-inch intervals
3 slices bacon

1. Combine salt, pepper, oil, and baking soda in small bowl. Rub mixture evenly over roast and let stand while preparing grill.

2. Stack bacon slices. Keeping slices stacked, thread metal skewer through bacon 6 or 7 times to create accordion shape. Push stack together to compact into about 2-inch length.

3A. FOR A CHARCOAL GRILL:

Open bottom vent halfway. Light large chimney starter two-thirds filled with charcoal briquettes (4 quarts). When top coals are partially covered with ash, pour evenly over half of grill. Set cooking grate in place, cover, and open lid vent halfway. Heat grill until hot, about 5 minutes.

3B. FOR A GAS GRILL:

Turn all burners to high, cover, and heat grill until hot, about 15 minutes. Turn primary burner to medium and turn off other burner(s). (Adjust primary burner as necessary to maintain grill temperature of 300 degrees.)

4. Clean and oil cooking grate. Place roast on hotter side of grill and cook until lightly browned on all sides, about 12 minutes. Slide roast to cooler side of grill, arranging so roast is about 7 inches from heat source. Place skewered bacon on hotter side of grill. (For charcoal, place near center of grill, above edge of coals. For gas, place above heat diffuser of primary burner. Bacon should be 4 to 6 inches from roast and drippings should fall on coals or heat diffuser and produce steady stream of smoke and minimal flare-ups. If flare-ups are large or frequent, slide bacon skewer 1 inch toward roast.)

5. Cover and cook until beef registers 125 degrees, 50 minutes to 1¼ hours. Transfer roast to carving board, tent with aluminum foil, and let rest for 20 minutes. Discard twine and slice roast ½ inch thick. Serve.

CHERMOULA SAUCE (MAKES ABOUT 1 CUP)

To keep the sauce from becoming bitter, whisk in the olive oil by hand.

¾ cup fresh cilantro leaves
4 garlic cloves, minced
1 teaspoon ground cumin
1 teaspoon paprika
¼ teaspoon cayenne pepper
¼ teaspoon salt
3 tablespoons lemon juice
½ cup extra-virgin olive oil

Pulse cilantro, garlic, cumin, paprika, cayenne, and salt in food processor until coarsely chopped, about 10 pulses. Add lemon juice and pulse briefly to combine. Transfer mixture to medium bowl and slowly whisk in oil until incorporated and mixture is emulsified. Cover with plastic wrap and let stand at room temperature for at least 1 hour. (Sauce can be refrigerated for up to 2 days; bring to room temperature and rewhisk before serving.)

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When Fat Sizzles, Grill Flavor Builds

A common assumption about grill flavor is that it comes from burning coals. While the compounds rising up from burning charcoal may deliver some flavor, far more significant is the flavor imparted when fatty drippings hit the coals (or the heat diffusers of a gas grill). As these drippings sizzle and pop, new complex compounds are created that waft up and get deposited back on the food. These compounds (along with the browning and char the food develops on its exterior) are responsible for characteristic grill flavor.

So what does this mean for beef tenderloin? Since this lean cut doesn’t have much to offer in the way of fatty drippings, we needed to find a different source. The answer: bacon.

By Lan Lam in "Cook's Illustrated", USA, number 140, May/June 2016, excerpts p. 6-7. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

GREAT GRILLED PIZZA

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After weeks of making burnt, puffy pies, we learned that the keys to crisp-tender, lightly charred pizza from the grill are quite simple: a strategic setup and a glug of oil.

I like to host pizza parties year-round, but come summertime the last thing I want to do is crank up the oven and cook in a hot kitchen. That’s when I opt to grill pizza. Not only does this approach allow me to move both the kitchen and the party outdoors, but when made well, the pie is a lighter and fresher style of pizza, perfect for summer appetites: a thin, audibly crisp, lightly charred crust that’s tender within and topped judiciously (so as not to saturate the crust) with a simple tomato sauce, pockets of cheese, and fresh herbs.

My standards for grilled pizza are admittedly high, since I was introduced to this style at Al Forno in Providence, Rhode Island, the restaurant where the dish is said to have been invented more than three decades ago. There, the pies are cooked on a custom-made wood-fired grill, which produces a gorgeously charred, crisp-tender oblong crust that the kitchen tops with alternating islands of bright, well-rounded tomato sauce and gooey melted cheese, a few shallow pools of rich olive oil, and zippy raw scallion curls.

But as proficient as I am at baking pizzas, I’ve found it much trickier to grill one. That’s because unlike an oven, which browns pizza from both the bottom and the top, a grill cooks pizza entirely from the bottom, which leaves the top soft and blond and the toppings undercooked, even when the grill is covered. To brown the second side, many recipes call for flipping the dough before applying any toppings, but I’ve found that this also causes the dough to puff up from edge to edge—more like a flatbread than pizza.

The grill at Al Forno solves this problem because it features a brick enclosure that absorbs heat and then reflects it back onto the top of the pie, much like an oven would. Without that setup, I’d need to test other ways to achieve the results I was after.

Slick Move

Grilling the dough on both sides was a must if I wanted flavorful browning on the top and bottom, so I focused my first tests on keeping the dough flat. I used our Thin-Crust Pizza dough as a jumping-off point; it’s a mixture of bread  flour, instant yeast, water, vegetable oil, salt, and sugar that comes together in minutes in the food processor and stretches beautifully without tearing or springing back. It also boasts a tight crumb with complex flavor thanks to a prolonged fermentation in the fridge, where the dough’s yeast produces sugars, alcohol, and acids. As for the grill setup, for now I’d cook the pies on a gas grill with all the burners set to high and revisit the method later if necessary.

Back to the puffiness issue: I wondered if the solution might be as simple as pressing the dough as thin as possible, which I tried with both my hands and a rolling pin. But neither of the mechanical methods worked: No matter how thin I stretched it, the dough inevitably puffed back up once it hit the grill. My only recourse was to try tweaking the dough formula itself. First I halved the amount of yeast, which did minimize the air bubbles but didn’t make the dough easier to stretch. What I really needed was a looser dough that would naturally spread more, so I gradually upped the amount of water until the dough was soft enough to stretch into a thin sheet but not so wet that it was so good. The finished product was proof that using lots of oil was well worth it: This pie was thin, tender, and richly flavorful, with a crisp shell—and it wasn’t the least bit greasy.

Playing with Fire

I should clarify that these pies had cooked nicely on a gas grill with the lid closed, but when I tried mimicking the results over a single-level charcoal fire, things got trickier. Simply put, it was much harder to maintain even heat over the entire surface, and the bottom of the crust tended to burn in the center before the outer edges had browned and the cheese had melted.

It wasn’t that the fire was too strong; I proved that to myself when I reduced the amount of charcoal and the same bull’s-eye effect happened, only more slowly. The problem was the shape of the kettle grill; even though the coals were spread in an even layer, the curved walls reflected heat and created a hot spot at the very center. The solution was to make the shape of the grill work in my favor by arranging the coals in a ring around the exterior of the grill with a void at the center; that way, the concentrated heat on the outside edge would reflect in. With that setup, I was able to achieve a more-even spread of heat from edge to edge.

However, this setup meant that I could cook just one pie at a time. But this was just as well: I’d also realized during testing that grilled pizza is more ephemeral than other styles and goes from perfectly crisp to limp in minutes, so serving one at a time was better. Going forward, I made sure to have everything I needed—all three sheets of stretched dough, sauce, cheese, and tools—at the ready so that I could cook and serve the pies as quickly as possible. In fact, it was best to pargrill all three pies before topping, grilling, and serving them one by one.

In Top Form

With my dough and my cooking method locked down, it was time to turn my attention to finessing the toppings, which, up to this point, had been just a coarse puree of whole tomatoes and seasonings along with some shredded mozzarella. The sauce needed nothing more than a little olive oil and sugar to balance the tomatoes’ bright acidity, but the cheese, which was a tad bland and had never fully melted in previous tests, needed rethinking. After a few tests, I switched from the block mozzarella we typically use on pizza to the softer, faster-melting fresh kind and supplemented it with salty-sharp finely grated Parmesan.

I was also strategic about how and when I added the toppings: First, I applied a thin but even layer of Parmesan (plus a little more olive oil), which created a flavorful barrier against the other toppings’ moisture, ensuring that the crust would stay crisp. Since slathering the thin dough with sauce and cheese would surely thwart crispness, I instead dolloped spoonfuls of sauce (warmed on the stove first to ensure it would be piping hot by the time the pizza was done) over the pargrilled dough surface, along with bite-size pieces of the mozzarella. I slid the pie back over the heat for 3 to 5 minutes to crisp up the crust and cook the toppings, checking the underside and rotating the pizza as necessary to make sure that it browned evenly. When it came off the grill, I finished it with chopped fresh basil, one more drizzle of oil, and a bit of coarse salt for crunch.

This was the closest replica of the Al Forno pie that I’d ever had: a crisp-tender crust that boasted richness from that oil bath and just a touch of smoke and char, simply and judiciously covered with pockets of bright, balanced sauce and just enough gooey cheese. It didn’t need any other toppings (though applying certain fresh items that don’t weigh down the pie after cooking is fine; and was as addictive to eat as it was fun to make.

Recipe

GRILLED PIZZA (SERVES 4 TO 6)

The dough must sit for at least 24 hours before shaping. We prefer the high protein content of King Arthur bread flour for this recipe, though other bread flours are acceptable. For best results, weigh your ingredients. It’s important to use ice water in the dough to prevent it from overheating in the food processor. Grilled pizza cooks quickly, so it’s critical to have all of your ingredients and tools ready ahead of time. We recommend pargrilling, topping, and grilling in quick succession and serving the pizzas one at a time, rather than all at once.

Dough

3 cups (16½ ounces) King Arthur bread flour
1 tablespoon sugar
¼ teaspoon instant or rapid-rise yeast
1¼ cups plus 2 tablespoons ice water (11 ounces)
1 tablespoon vegetable oil, plus extra for counter
1½ teaspoons salt

Sauce

1 (14-ounce) can whole peeled tomatoes, drained with juice reserved
2 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil
2 teaspoons minced fresh oregano
½ teaspoon sugar, plus extra for seasoning
Salt
¼ teaspoon red pepper flakes

Pizza

½ cup plus 1 tablespoon extra-virgin olive oil, plus extra for drizzling
3 ounces Parmesan cheese, grated (1½ cups)
8 ounces fresh whole-milk mozzarella cheese, torn into bite-size pieces (2 cups)
3 tablespoons shredded fresh basil
Coarse sea salt

1. FOR THE DOUGH:

Process flour, sugar, and yeast in food processor until combined, about 2 seconds. With processor running, slowly add ice water; process until dough is just combined and no dry flour remains, about 10 seconds. Let dough stand for 10 minutes.

2. Add oil and salt to dough and process until dough forms satiny, sticky ball that clears sides of bowl, 30 to 60 seconds. Transfer dough to lightly oiled counter and knead until smooth, about 1 minute. Divide dough into 3 equal pieces (about 9⅓ ounces each). Shape each piece into tight ball, transfer to well-oiled baking sheet (alternatively, place dough balls in individual well-oiled bowls), and coat top of each ball lightly with oil. Cover tightly with plastic wrap (taking care not to compress dough) and refrigerate for at least 24 hours or up to 3 days.

3. FOR THE SAUCE:

Pulse tomatoes in food processor until finely chopped, 12 to 15 pulses. Transfer to medium bowl and stir in reserved juice, oil, oregano, sugar, ½ teaspoon salt, and pepper flakes. Season with extra sugar and salt to taste, cover, and refrigerate until ready to use.

4. One hour before cooking pizza, remove dough from refrigerator and let stand at room temperature.

5A. FOR A CHARCOAL GRILL:

Open bottom vent halfway. Light large chimney starter three-quarters filled with charcoal briquettes (4½ quarts). When top coals are partially covered with ash, pour into ring around perimeter of grill, leaving 8-inch clearing in center. Set cooking grate in place, cover, and open lid vent halfway. Heat grill until hot, about 5 minutes.

5B. FOR A GAS GRILL:

Turn all burners to high, cover, and heat grill until hot, about 15 minutes. Leave all burners on high.

6. While grill is heating, transfer sauce to small saucepan and bring to simmer over medium heat. Cover and keep warm.

7. FOR THE PIZZA:

Clean and oil cooking grate. Pour ¼ cup oil onto center of rimmed baking sheet. Transfer 1 dough round to sheet and coat both sides of dough with oil. Using your fingertips and palms, gently press and stretch dough toward edges of sheet to form rough 16 by 12-inch oval of even thickness. Using both your hands, lift dough and carefully transfer to grill. (When transferring dough from sheet to grill, it will droop slightly to form half-moon or snowshoe shape.) Cook (over clearing if using charcoal; covered if using gas) until grill marks form, 2 to 3 minutes. Using tongs and spatula, carefully peel dough from grate, then rotate dough 90 degrees and continue to cook (covered if using gas) until second set of grill marks appears, 2 to 3 minutes longer. Flip dough and cook (covered if using gas) until second side of dough is lightly charred in spots, 2 to 3 minutes. Using tongs or pizza peel, transfer crust to cutting board, inverting so side that was grilled first is facing down. Repeat with remaining 2 dough rounds, adding 1 tablespoon oil to sheet for each round and keeping grill cover closed when not in use to retain heat.

8. Drizzle top of 1 crust with 1 tablespoon oil. Sprinkle one-third of Parmesan evenly over surface. Arrange one-third of mozzarella pieces, evenly spaced, on surface of pizza. Dollop one-third of sauce in evenly spaced 1-tablespoon mounds over surface of pizza. Using pizza peel or overturned rimmed baking sheet, transfer pizza to grill; cover and cook until bottom is well browned and mozzarella is melted, 3 to 5 minutes, checking bottom and turning frequently to prevent burning. Transfer pizza to cutting board, sprinkle with 1 tablespoon basil, drizzle lightly with extra oil, and season with salt to taste. Cut into wedges and serve. Repeat with remaining 2 crusts.

Toppings with a Light Touch

Because grills don’t heat the top of a pizza, and because the ultrathin crust can’t support much weight beyond sauce and cheese, it’s important to choose lightweight toppings that require little to no cooking—and to not go overboard. The following can be scattered over the pies once they come off the grill.

• baby arugula or spinach (lightly dressed with lemon juice, olive oil, salt, and cracked pepper)
• paper-thin slices of prosciutto
• pickled hot pepper rings
• roasted red peppers, sliced into strips
• thin-sliced scallion or onion
• chopped or torn fresh herbs
• red pepper flakes

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Conventional Dough Won’t Do

When we tried grilling our conventional pizza dough, we were met with a number of problems. Instead of the thin, even crust we were after, we ended up with a thick, bubbly flatbread.

DOESN’T SPREAD

Too little water in our conventional dough makes it impossible to roll it as flat as we wanted. (Too much yeast causes large air pockets to form and the crust to bubble as it cooks on the first side.

BROWNS UNEVENLY

The bubbling gives the top side an uneven surface that, when flipped, doesn’t lie flat on the cooking grate.

By Andrew Janjigian in "Cook's Illustrated", USA, number 141, July/August 2016, excerpts p. 19-21. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

1709 - O ANO EM QUE A EUROPA CONGELOU

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Venezianos esquiando no lago congelado no inverno de 1709
NA MANHÃ DE 6 DE JANEIRO, 0 CONTINENTE ACORDOU COM UM FRIO QUE MATOU PÁSSAROS E PEIXES, DIZIMOU ÁRVORES E TORNOU NECESSÁRIO O USO DE MACHADO PARA CORTAR O PÂO.

Os europeus acordaram no dia 6 de janeiro de 1709 com a temperatura em queda livre. Três semanas congelantes foram seguidas por um breve degelo — e, em seguida, a temperatura caiu novamente e ficou lá embaixo. Do norte da Escandinávia ao sul cia Itália e do leste da Rússia à costa ocidental da França, tudo virou gelo: o mar, os lagos e os rios. O solo congelou até a profundidade de 1 metro ou mais. Rebanhos morreram de frio dentro dos celeiros, frangos caíram duros no chão. árvores explodiram, e viajantes morreram, literalmente, de frio nas estradas.

Na Inglaterra, chamaram de Great Frost. “O grande congelamento". Na Franca, entrou para a história como Le Grand Hiver, “O grande inverno". Foram três meses de um frio mortal que deu inicio a um ano de fome e distúrbios. Na Escandinávia, o Báltico congelou tão profundamente que era possível andar sobre ele até abril, quando já é primavera. Lobos famintos invadiram aldeias na Suíça. Os venezianos patinaram sobre as águas congeladas da cidade, enquanto na costa oeste da Itália marinheiros ingleses morriam nos navios. “Acredito que tenha sido o maior congelamento da história da humanidade" disse, à época. William Derham. um dos mais meticulosos observadores meteorológicos da Inglaterra. Ele estava certo. Mais de 300 anos depois, aquele inverno continua sendo o mais frio do último meio milênio registrado na Europa.

Derham foi reitor da Universidade de Upminster. a nordeste de Londres. Ele tinha o hábito de checar o termômetro e o barômetro três vezes por dia, desde 1697. Outros observadores dedicados fizeram o mesmo por toda a Europa, e seus registros coincidem em muitos pontos. Na noite de 5 de janeiro, a temperatura caiu dramaticamente e manteve-se em queda. Em 10 de janeiro, Derlham verificou -12 °C, a menor temperatura que ele medira. Na França, ela estava ainda mais baixa. Caiu para -15 °C no dia 14 de janeiro e assim permaneceu por 11 dias.

Mais tarde naquele ano, Derham escreveu uma detalhada descrição do congelamento e da destruição causados pelo frio. Os peixes congelaram nos rios, a caça morreu nos campos, e pequenos pássaros morreram aos milhões. A perda de ervas finas e plantas exóticas não íoi surpresa, mas até resistentes árvores nativas como o carvalho sucumbiram. A perda da safra de trigo foi uma calamidade geral. Os problemas na Inglaterra, no entanto, foram tímidos comparados aos de outras regiões da Europa.

Na França, o congelamento se apoderou de todo o país ate chegar ao Mediterrâneo. A realeza teve de lutar para manter aquecido o suntuoso Palácio de Versalhes. A duquesa de Orleans escreveu para sua tia na Alemanha:“Estou sentada à beira do fogo, há uma tela atrás da porta, que está fechada, estou usando peles ao redor do pescoço, meus pés estão envoltos em pele de urso e mesmo assim estou tremendo tanto que mal consigo segurar a caneta. Nunca vi um inverno como este”

Em casas mais humildes, as pessoas iam dormir e acordavam com as toucas grudadas na cabeceira da cama. O pão congelou de tal forma que era preciso um machado para cortá-lo. Um padre da região da Bcrgonha, na França, relatou: “Os viajantes morreram no campo; o rebanho, nos celeiros: os animais selvagens, nas florestas; quase todos os pássaros morreram: o vinho congelou nos barris, e grandes fogueiras públicas foram acesas para aquecer os pobres”. De todo o pais surgiram relatos de pessoas encontradas mortas de frio. E. com rios e estradas bloqueados pela neve e pelo gelo, era impossível o transporte de alimento para as cidades. Paris esperou três meses por alimento fresco. Mas o pior ainda não havia chegado. Em toda parte, frutas, nogueiras e oliveiras morreram. A safra de trigo do inverno havia sido destruída.

Quando a primavera chegou, o frio foi substituído pela escassez de alimentos. Em Paris, muitos só sobreviveram porque as autoridades, temendo uma revolta, obrigaram os ricos a fornecer sopas. Com nenhum grão para fazer pão, em alguns países as pessoas faziam farinha moendo as folhas de samambaia com outras plantas. Até o verão, houve relatos de pessoas famintas nos campos “comendo pasto como ovelhas”. Antes de o ano acabar, mais de 1 milhão sucumbiu ao frio ou à fome. O fato de muitas pessoas deixarem depoimentos sobre o frio sugere que o inverno de 1708/1709 foi excepcionalmente ruim. Mas o quão fora do comum de foi?

Em 2004, um climatologista da Universidade de Berna, na Suíça, produziu uma reconstrução mês a mês do clima da Europa desde 1500, usando uma combinação de medições diretas, indicadores aproximados (como anéis de idade de árvores e o interior de geleiras e dados recolhidos a partir de documentos históricos. O inverno de 1708/09 foi o pior. Em grande parte da Europa, a temperatura ficou 7°C abaixo da média dos meses mais frios do século XX.

Por que ele foi tão frio é difícil explicar. A “pequena era do gelo”estava no auge, e a Europa vivia tempos turbulentos: enquanto na década de 1690 houve uma sequência de verões gelados e colheitas malsucedidas, o verão de 1707 foi tão quente que levou pessoas à morte por causa do calor. De modo geral, o clima estava mais frio, com a maior distância para o Sol em milênios.

Houve algumas espetaculares erupções vulcânicas em 1707 e 1708. incluindo o Monte Fuji no Japão, o Santorini na Grécia e o Vesúvio na Itália. Supostamente eles teriam enviado poeira para a alta atmosfera, criando um véu sobre a Europa.

Mas nada disso explica a extremidade daquele inverno. "Parece que algo muito incomum aconteceu", disse Denis Wheeler. climatologista da Universidade de Sunderland, na Inglaterra. Como parte do Projeto Milénio da União Europeia, que pretende reconstruir o passado dos últimos mil anos do clima no Velho Continente, Wheeler está extraindo dados dos livros da Marinha Real Inglesa, que contêm observações diárias sobre a temperatura e as condições do vento. “Com esses dados, você pode produzir médias mensais muito mais confiáveis, mas também pode ver o que aconteceu de um dia para 0 outro”, afirmou. Ele e seus colegas já criaram uma base de dados com observações diárias a partir de 1685. ao longo da área do Canal da Mancha, que abrange as costas da Inglaterra e da França. “É uma zona climática chave. As condições meteorológicas ali refletem o que acontece no Atlântico, que é onde, em circunstâncias normais, o tempo na Europa tem origem."

Costumeiramente, a causa mais imediata dos invernos rigorosos na Europa são os ventos gelados que vêm da Sibéria. "O que você poderia esperar seriam ventos vindos do leste e um anticiclone sobre a Escandinávia sugando o ar frio diretamente da Sibéria’; afirma Wheeler. Em vez disso, seus dados mostram uma predominância de ventos do sul e do oeste — que normalmente trazem ar quente para a Europa. Outro faio estranho foi a alta incidência de tempestades em janeiro. E elas ajudam n trazer um tempo menos frio. “A combinação de frio, tempestades e ventos ocidentais sugere que algum outro mecanismo respondeu por esse inverno."

Pode não haver explicação fácil para o frio de 1709, mas padrões meteorológicos imprevistos revelados pelos dados de Wheeler mostram por que reconstruções climáticas são tão importantes. “Precisamos explicar a variação do clima nos últimos séculos, para que possamos separar os fatores que contribuem para essas alterações." Segundo ele, o clima não se comporta de maneira consistente, e os períodos de seca e chuvas, de frio e calor não podem ser explicados pelo mesmo mecanismo. As duas décadas seguintes registraram um aumento rápido de temperatura. “Alguns dizem que isso é prova de que o aquecimento global não tem nada de novo. Não dà para comparar. Os fatores que provocaram aquele aquecimento são bem diferentes dos que estão operando agora."

Texto de Stephane Pain publicado na revista "Galileu", Brasil,n.213, abril 2009, excertos pp.74-78. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

A FORÇA DO VERMELHO

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Kelly LeBrock numa cena do filme "Woman in Red" de 1984

Os atletas de esportes de combate que lutam de vermelho vencem 60% das vezes, segundo estudo de uma equipe da universidade de Durham.

Novos estudos revelam que a cor incentiva a concentração, inspira o medo no adversário e deixa as mulheres mais sensuais e desejáveis; o azul, por sua vez, estimula o processo de criação.

Quando dispensa o pretinho básico e se arruma para sair nas noites de sexta-feira, a estudante paulistana Maria Fernanda, de 19 anos, sempre dá preferência ao vermelho e suas variações. Na cabeça dela, a estratégia faz todo sentido. Afinal, vermelho é a cor que as pessoas geralmente associam à sedução, ao desejo. E a experiência da moça comprova que a isca é eficaz para atrair o sexo oposto. Tudo perfeito, não fosse o fato de a estudante ter pouquíssima paciência com as cantadas sem inspiração que anda recebendo madrugada adentro. Talvez a culpa não seja dos rapazes, mas sim da cor das roupas que Maria Fernanda tem usado nas baladas.

Um estudo da Universidade da Colúmbia Britânica, no Canadá, comparou a influência do vermelho e do azul no comportamento humano e constatou: o primeiro estimula a concentração e a atençâo aos detalhes, o segundo libera a imaginação e a criatividade. Assim, se quiser melhorar o que entra em seus ouvidos, a estudante deve considerar o aumento da oferta de azul no guarda-roupa. Isso, claro, se o único esporte em que ela estiver interessada for a disputa pela atenção masculina qualificada.

Para chegar a essas conclusões publicadas em fevereiro na revista americana Science —, os pesquisadores da universidade canadense levaram 600 voluntários ao laboratório. O objetivo era determinar se o desempenho cognitivo seria alterado de acordo com a cor. Os participantes responderam testes elaborados com palavras, objetos ou imagens, que eram dispostos na tela de um computador ou sobre uma mesa, ora com fundo vermelho, ora com azul. Quando a primeira cor predominou, os voluntários foram bem nos testes de memorização e que exigiam atenção a detalhes. Lembraram com mais facilidade palavras vistas no computador e deixaram passar menos erros de ortografia e pontuação. Mas, quando a prova exigiu criatividade e imaginação. foi a vez de o azul brilhar. Os voluntários criaram brinquedos a partir de formas geométricas e imaginaram utilizações inventivas para objetos como um tijolo.

Líder do estudo, a professora de marketing Juliet Zhu diz que sua pesquisa diagnostica essas peculiaridades. mas levanta mais perguntas que respostas na hora de determinar por que a gente é assim em relação às cores. “Talvez exista algum papel desempenhado pela evolução e pela genética, mas isso não ficou evidenciado. O que nosso levantamento indica ê que somos guiados por uma associação cultural adquirida", diz ela. E é essa herança que liga o vermelho a sinais de perigo — a placa “pare”, a ambulância e o carro de bombeiro, por exemplo —, o que estimula as pessoas a ficarem mais vigilantes e cuidadosas. Em decorrência, elas se mostram mais competentes na execução de tarefas que exigem concentração. O azul, por sua vez, é normalmente associado à liberdade, aos espaços abertos e à segurança. Ele encoraja o lado explorador das pessoas e potencializa a criatividade. Essa conclusão empolga a pesquisadora: "Acredito tanto nisso que. quando me vejo obrigada a ter ideias criativas e originais para as minhas pesquisas, mudo o fundo de tela dó meu computador para azul".

Como, segundo Julie, medidas singelas como essa dão ótimos resultados, ela recomenda que as empresas tenham salas separadas em que numa predomine o vermelho, e em outra, o azul. A primeira seria um templo da concentração, que reuniria os profissionais que precisam executar tarefas extremamente precisas mas que nâo exigem criação. “Uma sala assim seria ideal para o trabalho dos revisores que vocês tem ai na revista. Por outro lado, na hora de definir a pauta, um ambiente azul seria mais produtivo", diz Juliet.

Coisa de macho

Embora as pesquisas sobre a influência das cores em nosso comportamento ainda estejam num estágio inicial e não permitam conclusões inquestionáveis, já há cientistas que, diferentemente de Juliet, procuram respostas além das associações culturais.

O chefe do Departamento de Antropologia da Universidade de Durham. na Inglaterra, Robert Barton, e seu colega Russell Hill se debruçaram sobre quatro esportes de combate durante a Olimpíada de Atenas em 2004: boxe, tae kwon do, luta greco-romana e luta livre. Selecionaram combates em que um dos lutadores estava de vermelho, e o outro, de azul. Em 60% delas, os de vermelho saíram vitoriosos.

Na avaliação dos cientistas, parte dessa supremacia pode ter a ver com o nosso - e de quase todos os primatas — passado evolucionário. No mundo animal, o vermelho ê relacionado com boa forma, agressão e altos níveis de testosterona. Os macacos mandris, por exemplo, têm a cor vermelha nas faces, ancas e genitália. E esse conjunto serve para mostrar a outros machos que é melhor pensar duas vezes antes de partir para a ignorância.

Embora estudiosos como o biologista John Lazarus, da Universidade de Newcastle, lembre que os macacos-verdes do oeste da África têm o saco escrotal azul — e quanto mais azul, mais dominante o macho —, os números mostram que estar envolto por um manto vermelho aumenta nossas chances de chegar ã vitória numa situação de combate mano a mano. E essa disputa nem precisa ser física. “Estudos posteriores ao nosso mostraram que o vermelho ajuda até enxadristas, pois estimula o comportamento esquivo e diminui a performance cognitiva do adversário”, diz Barton.

Depois das conclusões sobre esportes individuais, os pesquisadores de Durham se perguntaram: mas e nos coletivos? Foram a campo, literalmente, e analisaram os resultados da Euro-04 — torneio de futebol entre seleções nacionais. Seis equipes alternaram uniformes de outra cor com os vermelhos (Inglaterra. Dinamarca, Rússia, Letônia, Suíça e República Tcheca). Ganharam mais quando optaram pela camisa rubra. O caso mais sintomático foi o da Rússia, que disputou três partidas. De branco e azul, perdeu para Espanha e Portugal. Com uniforme vermelho, derrotou a Grécia, seleção campeã daquela edição do torneio.

Na hora de tentar decifrar a influência da cor nos esportes coletivos, os estudiosos põem de lado a explicação que envolve o nosso passado evolucionário e voltam para a tese da associação cultural da cor vermelha com dominação e agressão. Barton e Hill continuam atualizando seus estudos, e os números corroboram a tese que todo mundo que acompanha o Grenal (clássico do futebol gaúcho entre Grêmio e Internacional) sabe: “Nós constatamos que uniformes vermelhos aumentam a chance de sucesso de longo prazo na Liga Inglesa de futebol, por exemplo”.

Desconfiados de que pudesse haver algum motivo bem menos nobre por trás dessa supremacia, em agosto passado Norbert Hagemann e sua equipe de pesquisadores da Universidade de Münster, na Alemanha, publicaram um estudo com uma conclusão preocupante: a cor utilizada por um competidor afeta as decisões tomadas pelos árbitros. Para comprovar a teoria, levaram 42 profissionais do apito para uma sala, onde eram exibidos vídeos de lutas de tae kwon do. Em todos eles, um dos atletas usava vermelho, e o outro, azul. Cada juiz assistia separadamente aos vídeos e dava pontos para os lutadores. Depois, os combates foram reexibidos, só que em ordem diferente e com a cor dos uniformes digitalmente trocada, de forma que quem estava de azul passou a lutar com o aparato de proteção vermelho. Placar final: os juízes deram 13% mais pontos para os atletas que estavam utilizando esta última cor.

“Nosso experimento não foi suficiente para decifrar todos os mecanismos das decisões dos juízes, mas deu algumas dicas. Basicamente, nós argumentamos que os árbitros são os principais responsáveis pela supremacia dos atletas de vermelho, mas acreditamos que esse efeito se deve à associação, evolutiva ou cultural, da cor vermelha com perigo, dominação ou agressão”, afirma Hagemann, que se diz aliviado por seu time. o Hamburgo, jogar de calções vermelhos e estar entre os primeiros colocados da Bundesliga, o campeonato nacional alemão.

Sedução

A relação entre dominação e cor, que Hagemann constatou por meio do esporte, permeia pelo menos outro aspecto da vida, segundo estudo feito no ano passado, na Universidade de Rochester, nos EUA, Liderada pelo psicólogo Andrew Elliott, a pesquisa confirmou o que muita gente já pensava: aos olhos dos homens, o vermelho deixa as mulheres mais desejáveis.

Para dar estofo a essa conclusão, o psicólogo exibiu fotografias de moças em que o fundo ou as roupas foram digitalmente colorizados em várias tonalidades diferentes. Enquanto mostrava a imagem, o pesquisador e sua equipe perguntavam coisas como “Quão bonita você acha essa pessoa?", “Você a convidaria para sair?” ou "Quanto você gastaria numa noite com ela?". Resultado: em comparação com as damas de preto, azul, verde, amarelo ou cinza, as moças de vermelho — ou espalhadas sobre um fundo avermelhado — ficam mais atraentes, sexualmente desejáveis e dignas de um desembolso generoso num encontro romântico.

Elliott é outro que questiona o papel da herança cultural na relação que temos com as cores. "Acredito que a reação instintiva dos primatas revela a raiz do efeito do vermelho em humanos. Quanto as atitudes culturalmente adquiridas, não creio que elas entrem na receita quando o assunto é o efeito das cores no nosso comportamento. Isso porque, nessas situações, nós agimos sem estar conscientes das forças e processos que nos movem". diz o pesquisador.

Tirado a partir dos estudos de Elliott, esse tipo de conclusão reforça uma suspeita que vem se enraizando na cabeça das mulheres desde o tempo em que as clavas eram o principal instrumento de sedução masculino: quando o sexo entra em cena, os machos humanos se comportam como animais. Segundo o pesquisador, “muitas vezes nós, homens, podemos achar que estamos abordando as mulheres de uma maneira polida e elegante, mas, no fundo, nossas predileções e preferências são, em uma palavra, primitivas”.

E as constatações levantadas no laboratório acabaram alterando as coisas na casa do pesquisador: “Não, não mudei o jeito com que abordo as mulheres nem a cor dos aventais. Apenas bani o vermelho do guarda-roupa da minha filha de 16 anos”. Com isso. talvez Elliott esteja tirando as cantadas sem inspiração da vida da moça.

Texto de Edson Franco publicado na revista "Galileu", Brasil, n.213, abril 2009, excertos pp. 56-62. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

VAMPIROS ; OS SENHORES DO SANGUE

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Christopher Lee interpretando "Drácula" (1958)
Há milênios, lendas de diversos povos fazem referência a seres que se alimentam do fluido vital humano. Os vampiros são os herdeiros modernos dessa tradição, que começa com os sacrifícios religiosos na Antiguidade.

O que hoje conhecemos como "vampiro"é um arquétipo presente em quase todas as culturas do mundo, Da Rússia à África, da Inglaterra à Malásia, as mais diversas mitologias criaram figuras de mortos que acordam para se alimentar dos vivos. Além dos seres sobrenaturais que atacam os humanos, as religiões antigas faiam de divindades que se nutrem do sangue a elas oferecido em ritual, como é o caso da egípcia Sekhmet Podemos encontrar referências a entidades "vampirescas" desde o período dos impérios mesopotâmicos, ha mais de 3.500 anos.

Os sumérios falavam de um espirito sugador de sangue, o Akhkharu. Os babilônicos acreditavam no Ekkimu, que saia da tumba para se alimentar de sangue humano fresco e em demônios femininos chamados Lilu, que atacavam durante a noite, matando mulheres grávidas e bebês. Há quem veja em tais demônios parte das características da hebraica Lilith, primeira mulher de Adão, que se vinga da humanidade criada pelo primeiro homem com sua segunda esposa, Eva.

Textos em sânscrito antigo, língua ritual do hinduísmo apresentam os vetalas, criaturas demoníacas, mas também com capacidade protetora, que habitavam cemitérios e se apoderavam dos corpos dos mortos, usando-os para matar crianças, provocar abortos e enlouquecer os vivos E n*re ou nas obras, os vetalas são citados no Baitalpachisi, livro do século VIII que narra as tentativas do rei Vikramaditya de capturar um desses seres, que repousava pendurado de cabeça para baixo na árvore de um cemitério. Segundo a tradição, os vetalas podem ser afastados por meio da entoação de mantras. Ainda na Índia, temos o Brahmarakshasa, criatura que, representada com a cabeça coroada por intestinos humanos, carregava um crânio como copo para beber sangue.

A palavra 'vampiro'é a ultima das denominações para os seres sugadores de sangue, e os primeiros registros da expressão datam do século XVIII. Não há certeza sobre a origem do termo. Sabe-se, apenas, que deriva de línguas eslavas, em que existe como vampir ou uipir. " provável que essas palavras tenham, derivado de wempti (beber) ou do turco uber (bruxa), dando origem a expressões como upior, upir, uípir, vampir. Nessas tradições linguísticas, os filhos de vampiros são chamados de dhampir, lampirovic ou vampirovíc.

AVE NOTURNA 

Antes da aparição do nome "vampiro", o termo que designava as criaturas bebedoras úe sangue no Leste Europeu era o romeno strigoi ou strigo. A expressão tem raizes latinas e vem de strix, uma ave noturna que segundo os romanos se alimentava de sangue e carne humana. A palavra sobrevive em italiano como strega: bruxa.

O strigoi é um morto-vivo que na mitologia romena, tem cabelos vermelhos, olhos azuis e dois corações. Podia tornar-se invisível, rondando seus locais familiares em busca de alimentos que tendiam ser o sangue de seres vivos. Além disso, o strigoi podia transformar-se em animais como corujas, cães, ratos lagartos, lobos e, claro, morcegos. Também na Rússia havia cultos a seres bebedores de sangue. Em pleno século XI, o papa São Gregório VII ainda combatia as cerimônias pagãs nas quais a população local oferecia sacrifícios a essas criaturas.

Foi das lendas do leste europeu que se moldou a figura do vampiro moderno. mas ele não aparece apenas em textos eslavos. No século XII, dois cultos clérigos ing1eses, Walter Map e William de Newburgh, registraram a crença local em mortos que saiam de suas tumbas em busca de alimento. Por causa disso, os dois são vistos como cronistas do vampirismo, embora seus escritos não sejam tão claros quanto ao modo de agir dessas criaturas.

Nas Crônicas, como é chamada sua obra Historia Rerum Anglicarum, Newburgh menciona casos de mortos que voltam a vida (livros 22. 23 e 24) em narrativas muito mais ligadas às crenças religiosas oe bondade e obediência à igreja que propriamente a casos de "vampiros". "É verdade- e sei bem- que, se não fosse por muitos casos ocorridos em nossos dias e pelo confiável testemunho de pessoas responsáveis, não seria possível acreditar em tais fatos, isto é, que os corpos dos mortos pudessem levantar de seus túmulos, revividos por alguma força sobrenatural, andando pelos locais e causando pânico e até mesmo matando os vivos, e que retornando às suas covas, estas estariam abertas para recebê-los"· (Crônicas, livro 24)

O mito moderno do vampiro acabou surgindo de um amálgama de várias crenças. dando origem à figura que conhecemos hoje: o vivo malvado que, inconformado por estar morto, volta à vida. Torna-se imortal, movido pela necessidade de sangue humano para manter-se vivo, e contamina os vivos que suga, transformando-os em vampiros. Tem horror à luz e a crucifixos e morre apenas com uma estaca cravada no coração.

O mito ganhou força no fim do século XIX, quando os vampiros cheegaram à maior das cidades de então: Londres. Em 1885. Emily Laszowska Gerard publicou Superstições da Transilvânia, obra na qual chamava o vampiro de "nosferatu" uma variante do latim "nesuferit" que significa "sem sofrimento". A versão definitiva do bebedor de sangue moderno porém, surgiu em 1897, quando o escritor irlandês Abraham Bram Stoker publicou o romance Drácula, que apresenta o conde Drácula, maléfico e violento vampiro que mora em um castelo da Transilvânia.

O fato de ter realmente existido um nobre, Vlad Tepes, governador da Transilvânia entre 1431 e 1435, que foi apelidado de Drácula (filho do dragão ou filho do demônio) e empalou centenas de inimigos, sugeria que a novela havia se inspirado no conde Vlad. Na realidade, como explica e documenta a estudiosa Elisabeth Miller, em seu livro Drácula & Nonsense. Bram Stoker pretendia chamar seu personagem de Count Wampyr, mas afinal batizou-o com o apelido do sanguinário conde Vlad Tepes, ou Drácula, o empalador. Por mais sanguinário que tenha sido o Drácula real, nada indica que ele bebesse o sangue de quem assassinava.

Foi também no século XIX que os vampiros passaram a ser associados a morcegos. Até então essa conexão não existia. Ela só surgiu com a descoberta de três espécies hematófagas (que se alimentam de sangue) do animal nas Américas do Sul e Central. Ao identificarem o Desmodus rotundus, o Diaemus youngi e o Dipnylla ecaudata, naturalistas europeus os apelidaram de morcegos-vampiros.

No início do século XX, portanto, o vampiro já havia adquirido a forma atual: imortal, alimentado por sangue humano, com força sobre-humana, capaz de transformar em vampiro aqueles de quem se alimenta; voa como um morcego; tem perfeita visão noturna; teme o crucifixo e a luz do dia; dorme em um caixão funerário; e só pode ser morto com uma estaça cravada no coração.

Nessa época também, o personagem adquiriu glamour hollywoodiano, adotando a capa preta e certo charme que muitas vezes o torna irresistível, sobretudo para as mulheres. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiu a figura da insinuante "devoradora de homens" que passou a ser chamada de "vamp". Essa imagem do vampiro sedutor começou a ganhar força a partir da década de 1930,quando foi filmada a primeira versão de Drácula em Hollywood, com Béla Lugosi no papel principal.

A RODA DA VIDA

 Apesar de terem assumido diversas formas ao longo da história, as lendas de vampiros têm um significado que atravessa os séculos. Essas narrativas não retratam a apenas o medo da morte e a proteção da vida, representada pelo sangue E as evoluíram da certeza de que, para manter a vida na Terra, é necessário morrer, na eterna roda de nascimentos que substituem as mortes. Na tentativa de impedir tal ciclo e conquistar a vida eterna, ou de obter graças dos deuses, as diferentes culturas ofereceram primeiro o próprio sangue, depois o de animais e, por fim, passaram a ofertar simbolicamente o vinho. A transubstanciação do pão e do vinho no corpo e no sangue de Cristo, que se deve comer e beber para garantir a vida eterna no corpo da igreja, é a perfeita alegoria da relação entre morte, vida e renascimento.

Do ponto de vista psicológico e possível relacionar a mitologia dos vampiros ás questões de vida e morte.  Dependendo da abordagem. porém, a lenda pode adquirir significados diferentes. Freudianos tendem a relacioná-la ao temor é ao fascínio do sexo. Junguianos, por sua vez, o associam à "sombra" espécie de lado obscuro que todos nós, temos difícil e enfrentar, que pode fazer de nós seres predadores parasitas e antissociais. De certa maneira, essa conotação foi incorporada á linguagem cotidiana, pois é corrente falar-se em vampirismo econômico, vampirismo moral, vampirismo sexual, e assim por diante.

Hoje, o que preocupa é a difusão da crença entre indivíduos que não distinguem lendas e seus significados, da realidade. Atualmente existem diversos grupos e associações de 'vampiros', inclusive com crimes a eles atribuídos. Alguns, fascinados pela questão, chegam a ligar o vampirismo a Caim, baseados na leitura do Livro de Nod, obra lendária que supostamente contém ensinamentos sobre o vampirismo acumulados desde a Antiguidade. Filmes recentes conferem ainda mais encanto ao mito. Tudo isso nos faz ver que a elucidação do significado de nossas mitologias devem ser levado bem mais a sério.

Texto de Marlene Suano publicado no revista "História Viva", maio 2010, ano VII, n. 79, excertos pp. 50-57. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

ATHENS - SLAVERY AND THE FIRST DEMOCRACY

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Ancient Greece has long been hailed as the cradle of democracy. In reality, democracy was a luxury reserved only for the society's free men- one that was made possible by millions of slaves, whose labor gave others the time to attend to government matters.

To many people, the Classical period in Athens was an idyllic time - it was the era that saw the building of the temples on the Acropolis, the proliferation of artworks from richly ornamented vases to beautiful, anatomically correct statues, and some of the earliest advanced scientific theories. Perhaps most importantly, this was the age in which the ancient Athenians created a new system of government, democracy, which was based on the principle of one man, one vote.

However, the system would never have come into being had it not been for the large number of slaves who were compelled to perform the everyday work of society while free men governed. As it says in The Cambridge World History of Slavery, a 2011 book edited by Keith Bradley and Paul Cartledge, democracy is a time-consuming process.

But Athenian democracy did not extend to everyone - far from it. Slaves had no political rights; neither did women or the many foreigners who lived and worked in Athens but were not citizens. Historians estimate that only about 30,000 of Athens' some 300,000 citizens -10 percent- had the right to vote.

By ancient standards, this was still a significant number of people who were permitted direct participation in state affairs. Earlier, that privilege had been granted to few. Around 900 BCE, when Athens started to become a regional power, the city was ruled by a king. Together with city and regional landowners, he held the political power and made policy decisions, which were primarily intended to increase Athens' territorial powers and thus ensure more influence for the king and more land for the aristocracy.

At that time, Greece was comprised of small, autonomous city-states - a structure dictated by the region's geography, whose bays, cliffs and valleys segmented the country, isolating settlements from one another. For the cities located on the coasts of the Aegean Sea to the east and the Adriatic and Ionian seas to the west, navigation and trade were especially important.

In the three centuries from 900 to 600 BCE, Greek sailors actively plied the seas around Greece, establishing colonies in places that they considered strategically important or useful for trade. For hundreds of years, the colonies were part of a network that stretched from the western portion of Asia Minor south to North Africa and east beyond Sicily to the shores of southern France and Spain.

Wealth inequality poses a danger

The most powerful cities in Greece continually competed for power, a race in which Athens generally held the lead. Its location, at the entrance to the Aegean Sea, offered access to essential waterways, while the Acropolis, a flat rock perched 490 feet above sea level with panoramic views, was ideally situated for keeping watch for invaders or enemies.

One by one, Athens went to war with the other cities in Attica, the peninsula in which it is located, accumulating riches and power with each victory. But its wealth and power were distributed unevenly. The aristocratic landowners enriched themselves, while the poor had to work hard to make a living, and those who made too little often incurred debt. Often the only thing they had available to use as collateral was their own bodies, so if they were unable to pay, they were forced to become slaves.

As Athens' wealth grew, so did its inequality, until the discontent threatened to explode. But in 594 BCE, the statesman Solon was appointed to draft a new code of law. Among the reforms he enacted was the abolition of debt slavery.

Slaves freed up their owners' time

That was the first modest step toward a democratic system, but real democracy wasn't established until the statesman Cleisthenes led the effort in 507 BCE. He classified the population into tribes, not by virtue of their status or fortune, but according the place in which they lived. Thus the tribes functioned somewhat like modern-day constituencies. Decisions concerning important foreign and domestic matters were ultimately made by the Ecclesia, or general citizens' assembly, which convened 40 times a year and required at least 6,000 citizens to be present in order to conduct business.

Apart from the citizens' assembly, there were a great many councils and assemblies making decisions in matters of justice and law and governing the army, navy, religious institutions and other important components of society. The court of justice, the Dikasterion, alone met 200 times a year.

Every citizen had access to all these opportunities, so for those who also needed to attend to work and family, the democratic process was both fatiguing and time-consuming. The solution to the problem was to obtain more slaves. The idea was not new to Athenians, as slaves had been a part of society for as long as anyone could remember. Many were war prisoners from areas conquered by Athens. But the Athenians also started to produce a class of native slaves by allowing their existing slaves to have children, who automatically became slaves - even in cases where the father was also the the slave owner.

Owning slaves was commonplace

Most Athenian families had slaves. Even the poorest of free citizens had at least one. This great demand for slaves, generated by the democratic reforms, couldn't be met by either the influx of war prisoners or the natural growth of the slave population, so Athenians began to acquire slaves by purchasing them in markets. Prices varied by age, gender and health, with the most expensive slaves fetching one talent, equal to 6,000 drachmas. Most were cheaper, however, costing about 200 drachmas.

In the markets, slaves were exhibited like cattle. Often, male slaves stood naked on a podium to allow buyers to see them from all angles. The slave could also be asked to do exercises to reveal any physical impairments; if he had hidden handicaps or other severe defects the buyer failed to notice, the transaction could be annulled.

Slaves did have one important protection: They could not be killed without the murderer suffering punishment. (Roman slaves were the unfortunate exception to the rule.) This custom was rooted in Greek culture, in which killings were connected with religious impurity and could make the gods angry not only at the killer, but at the entire society. But otherwise, an owner was free to do whatever he wanted with his slaves.

Sometimes slaves rebelled or fled, incurring punishments such as whipping. But by importing slaves from different regions who spoke different languages, an owner could lessen the risk that they would conspire to rebel. This resulted in an eclectic population: One register of35 slaves from 414 BCE lists at least 12 different places of origin.

Conquest ended democracy

This was indeed Athens' golden era. Art and culture flourished as the democracy thrived. When Pericles, one of the citystate's greatest leaders, rose to prominence in the 460s BCE, he took democracy even further by introducing a policy in which Athenians were paid for participating in political meetings.

But Athens' heyday would not last. Rivals challenged the affluent city, particularly Sparta, another regional power that frequently clashed with Athens in battle, costing both cities dearly. When these conflicts escalated into the Peloponnesian War in 431, Sparta invaded Attica; the following year, Athens was ravaged by a plague that ultimately killed many citizens, Pericles included.

Macedonia finally put an end to Athens' reign as an independent power- and a democracy. Though it took a long time to reappear, democracy now flourishes in many parts of the world- without slavery.

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Ostracism prevented tyranny

When Cleisthenes finalized the principles of democracy in Athens in 507 BCE, one of the safeguards he built into the system was ostracism, which was a form of exile. It was used to ensure that no man could become a tyrant by buying himself supporters or otherwise amassing an excessive amount of influence.

Ostracism was implemented through a simple vote. At the beginning of each year, the citizens' assembly was asked if it wished to hold an ostracism.lf the answer was yes, a date was set for the vote.

On that day, all free men who wished to participate could appear at the assembly to cast their vote. Each voter wrote the name of the person he wanted expelled on a piece of broken pottery, which was placed in an urn. An individual who received enough votes was banished from Athens for 10 years, although he did retain his fortune and property.

By Else Christensen in "Science Illustrated", USA, September/October 2012 issue, excerpts pp. 28-33. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

GALILÉE, UN HOMME DE SCIENCES CONTRE L'ÉGLISE

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Le procès de Galilée. Extrait de William Bixby.
Le monde serait sans doute différent si Galilée n’avait pas existé: son destin où se mêlent sciences, théologie et politique ont mis en valeur ses démonstrations physiques et ses observations astronomiques, au lieu de les faire taire.

Galileo Galilei est né en 1564, à Pise, il est l’aîné d’une famille de six enfants. Son père était le descendant désargenté d’une noble famille de Florence, mais aussi un mathématicien chevronné et un musicien. Dès sa prime enfance, Galilée fait preuve de grandes capacités intellectuelles et une formidable inventivité. Il suit ses études au monastère de Vallombrosa, dans les montagnes toscanes, où il apprend notamment le latin et le grec, ainsi que la logique. Il est alors tenté par une vie monastique, mais son père l’inscrit à l’université de Pise en 1581, où il poursuit des études de médecine.

Cette année-là, en regardant les mouvements d’un chandelier suspendu au plafond de la cathédrale, il observe que le temps de l’oscillation est le même quelle que soit la distance parcourue. En 1583, il approfondit ses observations sur la dynamique du pendule : il démontre que les mouvements d’un pendule dépendent de sa longueur. Mais ce que son père craignait par-dessus tout finit par arriver : Galilée surprend un cours de géométrie et ce qu’il découvre le détourne immédiatement de la médecine. Il se lance dans les études de mathématiques, rattrapant ses années de retard avec une facilité déconcertante. Il quitte l’université, diplômé, en 1585 et retourne vivre à Florence.

Il invente alors la balance hydrostatique, dont il se sert pour ses travaux sur la gravité. En 1588, il écrit un traité sur la gravité des solides, qui lui donne une certaine renommée et lui permet d’obtenir un poste de professeur de mathématiques à l’université de Pise. Il n'a alors que 24 ans ! Mais ses recherches le mènent déjà à une impasse : ses travaux sur les principes de la dynamique vont à l’encontre de la physique d’Aristote, il est alors contraint de quitter l’université. Lorsque son père meurt, en 1591, il doit alors assurer sa nouvelle position de chef de famille et accepte un nouveau poste à l’université de Padoue. Il se révèle encore une fois extrêmement brillant, attirant des élèves de toute l’Europe et devant occuper l’amphithéâtre le plus grand pour recevoir 2 000 personnes lors de certaines conférences très courues. Il occupe cette position jusqu’en 1610.

En 1590, il établit le lien entre la distance parcourue par un corps en chute libre et le temps qu’il met à parcourir cette distance. L’oeuvre de Galilée a eu un effet immédiat sur ses contemporains : le toscan suggère que les lois de la nature ne dépendent pas de Dieu, et que les mystères pouvaient tous trouver une explication par le biais de l’expérience et l'observation scientifique des faits. Galilée ne sera pas l’inventeur du concept d’inertie, mais ces travaux ouvrent la voie à Isaac Newton, qui complétera son travail un siècle plus tard. Et au xx* siècle, Albert Einstein s’appuiera sur la physique de Galilée pour la théorie de la relativité.

En 1593, il construit le premier thermoscope, l’ancêtre du thermomètre qui permet d’observer les différences de températures, grâce à un flacon immergé dans un récipient plein de liquide. Entre 1604 et 1609, ses recherches sur le déplacement des objets en chute libre lui permettent de montrer que c'est l’accélération, et non la vitesse, qui caractérise les forces dynamiques agissant sur l’objet. Il parvient à prouver que des corps de masses différentes subissent la même accélération sous l’effet de la gravité. Il est alors le premier à formuler correctement les lois cinématiques des corps en chute libre.

Malgré son adhésion aux idées de Copernic, il poursuit pendant ce temps son enseignement en restant fidèle à la théorie officielle. En réalité, il attend l’opportunité de discréditer définitivement les vieux principes d’Aristote... En 1608, lorsque Hans Lip- pershey, un opticien allemand, invente le premier télescope, il sait que son heure est venue!

Il commence à observer le ciel avec le télescope qu’il améliore en 1609, à partir des lois sur la réfraction de la lumière. Avec cet instrument, il découvre un très grand nombre de corps célestes que l’on ne pouvait distinguer à l’oeil nu jusque-là et il prouve que la voie lactée est composée d’un nombre incalculable d’étoiles. Il prouve que la lune n’est pas un disque lumineux et les taches solaires que l’on prenait jusque-là pour des éléments de la géographie du soleil. Il découvre les phases de Vénus et les satellites de Jupiter, il leur donne les noms des membres de la famille Médicis qui dirige alors la Toscane. Ses observations du système solaire renforcent son soutien à la théorie de Copernic. Jusqu’en 1613, il réalise un très grand nombre de découvertes qui révolutionnent pour toujours le monde de l’astronomie.

En septembre 1610, il quitte Padoue et retourne à Florence. Le sénat de Venise lui a en effet accordé un salaire à vie pour ses recherches, et il est nommé « philosophe et mathématicien extraordinaire » par le grand duc de Toscane.

Mais petit à petit, il comprend que ses travaux dérangent. En 1616, l’Église met à l’index les textes de Copernic, on lui conseille d’abandonner ses théories qualifiées d’hérétiques : officiellement, la terre ne tourne toujours pas autour du soleil... Il publie son Discours sur le flux et le reflux dans lequel il s’appuie sur sa vision héliocentrique de l’univers et ses observations de la Lune pour démonter le processus des marées.

Finalement, en 1632, Galilée est traduit devant le Tribunal de l’inquisition pour son soutien à la théorie de Copernic à travers le livre Dialogue sur les deux grands systèmes du monde. Commandé par le pape Urbain VIII, cet ouvrage est censé mettre en balance les deux théories concurrentes, celle d’Aristote et celle de Copernic. Mais le ton des personnages révèle la pensée profonde de Galilée et son penchant pour la théorie copernicienne.

Après un long procès, durant lequel on le menace de torture physique, il est condamné par l’Église à renoncer publiquement à ses affirmations et à l’emprisonnement à perpétuité. La peine est commuée en résidence à vie, Galilée finira alors ses jours dans sa villa de Bellosguardo, à l’extérieur de Florence, n’ayant plus de contact avec le monde extérieur. Sa famille est quasiment décimée par une épidémie de peste, seuls survivent les enfants qu’il a eus avec Marina Gamba, celle qui a partagé sa vie sans jamais qu’ils ne soient mariés.

En 1638, très affaibli et presque aveugle, il pose des principes nouveaux pour les nombres infinis. Il découvre que les notions d’égalité et que les rapports de supériorité ou d’infériorité qui s’appliquent aux groupes finis ne s’appliquent pas de la même façon aux groupes infinis.

Il meurt en 1642. La ville de Florence lui rend hommage à peine cinq ans après sa mort en faisant ériger une statue à son effigie dans l'église Santé Croce où il est enterré. Un culte pour cet homme qui a révolutionné la vision du monde en posant les fondations d’une physique moderne. Justice lui est enfin rendue en 1992 : l’Église catholique a fini par reconnaître officiellement que Galilée avait raison : la terre tourne bien autour du soleil.

« E pur si muove ». Cette phrase restée gravée dans l’histoire est attribuée à Galilée. Il l’aurait prononcée à l’issue de son procès, alors qu’il a été condamné à l’abjuration de ses théories. Les spécialistes ne trouvent aucune attestation officielle de cette expression, du vivant de Galilée. On trouve pourtant une trace contemporaine de la phrase sur une peinture des années 1640 qui représente le savant au fond d’un cachot.

Cette phrase résume en elle-même « l’affaire Galilée », la lutte entre les théologiens et les scientifiques coperniciens entamée en 1610 et qui culmine en 1632 avec le procès intenté par l’Église contre le savant : malgré sa condamnation extrêmement lourde et symbolique pour l’époque, Galilée n’a jamais renoncé à soutenir ses découvertes. Par amour de la science et pour le bien de l’humanité.

À RETENIR...

• En 1581, Galilée observe que le temps d’oscillation d’un chandelier est le même quelle que soit la distance qu’il parcourt. Il en conclut que le temps d’oscillation change selon la longueur du pendule.

• Il publie en 1588 un traité sur la gravité des solides. En 1590, il établit le lien entre la distance parcourue par un corps en chute libre et le temps qu’il met à parcourir une distance.

• Galilée construit l’ancêtre du thermomètre pour observer les températures. Il complète également sa première découverte sur le déplacement de corps en chute libre en prouvant que des corps de masses différentes accélèrent de la même façon sous l’effet de la gravité.

• Après un long procès commandé par l’Église, Galilée doit renoncer publiquement à ses théories et est consigné en résidence à vie. C’est lors de ce procès que Galilée aurait prononcé cette phrase célèbre « Et pourtant elle tourne ».

• En 1638, il découvre que les notions d’égalité et que les rapports de supériorité et d’infériorité s’appliquent différemment pour les groupes finis et infinis.

• Il faudra attendre près de 360 ans pour que l’Église catholique reconnaisse officiellement la théorie de Galilée selon laquelle la terre tourne autour du soleil.

Dans "Sciences & Connaissances", Paris, n. 4, avril/mai/june 2012, pp. 44-47. Adapté et illustré pour être posté par Leopoldo Costa

THE GOLDEN ASS

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You may know of the ancient Roman writers Virgil, Ovid, and Cicero— but what about Apuleius? Born in Madauros in Roman North Africa around A.D. 125, Apuleius is well known for his novel titled "Metamorphoses or The Golden Ass". Full of magic, violence, and adventure, it is the only complete novel written in Latin to survive from ancient times.

Apuleius attended school in Carthage and then went to Athens and Rome for further study. Upon returning to North Africa, he married a wealthy older widow. Her relatives accused him of using magic to convince her to marry him, but Apuleius successfully defended himself in court. In his defense, called the "Apologia", he boasts of his learning and describes himself as a philosopher, orator, and writer.

"The Golden Ass" is set in Greece and tells the story of Lucius, a man who is transformed by magic into an ass and then stolen by robbers. On his subsequent travels, he suffers much abuse and humiliation and hears many thrilling stories. One is the tale of Cupid, the god of love, and the trials his mortal lover, Psyche, must endure before they wed. Another is that of Thelyphron, who falls asleep while guarding a dead body and has his nose and ears cut off by witches. The novel ends with the Egyptian goddess Isis helping Lucius regain his human form, after which he becomes her devoted worshiper. This religious ending has led scholars to debate whether the novel is more than just an entertaining story.

While there are many ways to interpret Apuleius’ work, what is clear is that "The Golden Ass" is a complex, original story that reflects many cultures—Greek, Roman, Egyptian, and African. During the Middle Ages, it was almost forgotten. In the centuries that followed, it became popular again, and people still enjoy it today.

By Liz Johnson in "Dig into History",Chicago USA, January/ 2016 issue, excerpts p.17. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

THE INVENTION OF TROUSERS

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You have at least one pair in your closet—trousere or, as they are better known today, pants. We all have a clear idea about what they are: a connected piece of fabric from the waist down to the ankles, with a separate cover for each leg. Did you ever wonder when humans began to wear them?

The history of trousers... goes back much farther in time than the Year One, but let us start our journey into the past at about that time. Our evidence is part of a grisly find: a mass grave near the city of Khotan on the southern Silk Road route that skirted the Taklamakan Desert.

In 1984, archaeologists discovered a first century b.c.e. grave at Sam pula. Lying there were the remains of at least 133 men and women, victims of a horrible attack. The arid climate in this region helped to preserve many pieces of their clothing, which, in turn, offer us intriguing clues about the histories of these people.

Especially fascinating...was a pair of trousers that had been created by piecing together various patches. Art historians recognized the head of a Greek warrior on one of the patches from the left leg. Contrary to what they expected, the warrior was not dressed in the Greek fashion, but rather in a long robe or caftan, which is a traditional Central Asian dress.

On the trousers' right leg, we see a galloping mythological creature called a centaur, with the upper body of a human and the lower body of a horse. The creature on the trousers is playing a salpinx, a signaling trumpet used by soldiers in battle. While centaurs are creatures common in Greek mythology, the salpinx is a Persian instrument. This merging of motifs from different cultures is extremely interesting, as it offers evidence of cross-cultural interaction.


A closer look at the patches led textile conservators to believe that the patches might actually have been part of a single piece of art. They took the trousers apart, gathered the patches with similar design work, and then sought to match the sections, much like working on a jigsaw puzzle. The result was fascinating: The life-size Greek warrior had once been part of a tapestry. It is believed that this tapestry had adorned the wall of a palace in a Bactrian city—a city that originally had been Greek. Most likely it was there that the tapestry had been manufactured. Ancient written sources reveal that Bactria was invaded by Central Asians around the year 145 b.c.e. So, it seems that the invaders stole the tapestry and then cut it into smaller pieces. Years later, some of these pieces ended up as a pair of pants in the grave near Khotan.

So, who invented trousers...

Millennia ago, men and women across Eurasia did not wear anything like them. They preferred stockings, loincloths, capes, skirts, tunics, and cloaks. Exactly when people began to wear pants is still a matter of debate.

Archaeologists have discovered woolen trousers in several tombs in the Yanghai cemetery in Turfan, on the northern Silk Road route that borders the Taklamakan Desert. These tombs date to approximately 1000 b.c.e. (or a little earlier), making the trousers the oldest discovered thus far. Each pair consists of three pieces: two for covering the legs and one forming the crotch. In those days, scissors had not yet been invented, so each of the pieces had to be woven separately on a loom into its exact shape. The pieces were then sewn together to make one pair of pants.

When you look at the trousers from the Yanghai cemetery, you can see that the crotch is really wide. Do you have any idea why? —So you can easily stretch your legs. This was especially useful for the people at that time, since they often rode horses, and the extra width would provide more comfort. We know from the gear found in the tombs that the wearers of these trousers were horsemen. The corpses were also armed with bows and arrows, no doubt for hunting in the afterlife.

The evidence suggests...

that trousers were invented in Central Asia as part of ordinary riding gear or as uniforms for mounted warriors. Wearing them helped riders stay on the backs of their horses, while they traveled long distances at high speed. As more and more armies chose to include cavalry units— military forces that fight on horseback—the popularity of trousers gradually spread to East Asia, then to West Asia.

The Chinese, Persians, and Greeks encountered this new fashion by, at the latest, the fifth century b.c.e. Tradition says that the Greeks and Romans found trousers very ugly and chose not to wear them. In the fourth century b.c.e., Alexander the Great vehemently refused to appear publicly in them, even though he sometimes adopted other non-Greek forms of dress. Take a look at ancient Greek and Roman statues that depict humans—all are dressed in tunics or togas.
So, what stories do your trousers tell us?

By Patrick Wertmann in "Dig into History",Chicago USA, May/June 2016 issue, excerpts pp.50-53. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

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