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A SAMURAI DOS DRINQUES

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BARTENDER JAPONESA INCLUÍDA ENTRE OS ‘DEZ MAIS’ DO PLANETA É DELICADA, DESMISTIFICA A PROFISSÃO E DIZ QUE FAZER UM GIM TÔNICA É ‘COMPLICADÍSSIMO’.

Yukiyo Kurihara trabalhava como garçonete num hotel de Tóquio quando uma cliente que bebia sozinha pediu: “Quero um drinque que combine com meu vestido.” A mulher usava uma roupa vermelho-sangue, sexy. Yukiyo achou que seria impossível atender o pedido, mas a bebida chegou à mesa exatamente como a dona do vestido sonhara. Não foi apenas a cor perfeita, mas a apresentação, sensual, que encantou Yukiyo. E assim ela decidiu o que queria da vida. Virou bartender.

A japonesa escolheu seu caminho há 20 anos e hoje está entre os melhores profissionais do mundo. Ela brilha no topo da pirâmide etílica de uma cidade onde bebe-se muito e espera-se qualidade — esteja você num boteco no subsolo de uma estação de trem ou num restaurante estrelado do “Guia Michelin’’. Yukiyo comanda o Mandarin Bar, no 37º andar do Hotel Mandarin Oriental, um dos cinco estrelas mais exclusivos de Tóquio. Seu balcão não é lugar para quem aprecia performances rocambolescas, com fogo, fumaça e chacoalhadas à la Tom Cruise em “Cocktail” (clássico da década de 80). Malabarismo não é a praia da bartender magrinha e elegante, impecavelmente vestida e maquiada, tanto ao meio-dia quanto à meia-noite.

— Ela precisa de um espaço mínimo para fazer os drinques. Poderia trabalhar de quimono se quisesse — destaca uma das diretoras do hotel, citando um traje que, embora belo, limita os movimentos de qualquer mortal.

Apesar da delicadeza, destacar-se num universo onde o sexo masculino predomina — neste lado do mundo os homens são maioria esmagadora entre os bartenders — exige disposição de samurai. Num ranking divulgado por uma marca clássica de gim, a britânica Tanqueray, a japonesa apareceu entre os dez melhores do planeta. É a única mulher ao lado de nomes que dominam noites de endereços lendários, como o Heminghway Bar, no Ritz de Paris, e o The Bar, no Hotel Dorchester, em Londres.

— Não enfrentei preconceito por ser mulher — garante Yukiyo. — A maior dificuldade para uma mulher nesse ramo é carregar peso. Toda a equipe tem que fazer trabalho braçal, não tem jeito — diz ela, desglamourizando a aura de estrelato que envolve os grandes bartenders, disputados a preço de ouro no mercado do luxo.

Yukiyo carrega barras de gelo, mas é inegável que se diverte com a vida que escolheu. Fala com paixão sobre infusões e combinações milimétricas — coisas que um leigo não imagina que existam por trás do primeiro gole. O que parece básico — um gim tônica, por exemplo — a mestre japonesa considera complicadíssimo:

— São apenas duas bebidas, mas para chegar à perfeição é necessário acertar na qualidade dos produtos, na medida e na temperatura.

Segundo a bartender, não existe  para criar um bom coquetel.

— É inspiração e alquimia, cada detalhe muda tudo — diz ela, conhecida pelos funcionários como “the boss” (a chefe).

Um dos drinques mais pedidos do Mandarin Bar é o Nihonbashi, homenagem ao bairro onde fica o hotel. A premiada junção de vodca polonesa, licor de yuzu (cítrico fundamental na culinária japonesa), curaçau blue e suco de grapefruit foi definida por críticos como um “estudo conceitual de alta mixologia”. O turquesa simboliza o rio da região; o verde, os salgueiros da margem; e a casca de limão retorcida, a ponte que atravessa o bairro desde o século 17. O drinque cai bem tanto no longo inverno como no escorchante verão do Oriente. Na primavera, o bestseller é o martíni de flor de cerejeira.

No Japão, é comum deixar que o bartender escolha o drinque. Yukiyo acredita que adivinhar o que a pessoa deseja, com base numa conversa informal, não é segredo e sim obrigação.

Mas a moça tem lá os seus truques para servir uma dose memorável. Não costuma espremer, por exemplo, o limão no copo para fazer um martíni. Ela apenas toca levemente a base da taça com a fruta (“Como uma gotinha sutil de perfume atrás da orelha”, ensina). Também gosta de usar saquê espumante ou doce (com uma consistência leitosa) em muitas de suas criações e substitui o tradicional bourbon por um uísque japonês (Nikka), cada vez mais cultuado pelos adoradores do destilado. Além disso, não aceita angostura e xaropes — essenciais para a coquetelaria — industrializados. É ela quem prepara as infusões.

— Misturo entre 20 e 30 ingredientes — explica, mostrando as garrafinhas de cristal que lembram fórmulas de farmácias antigas.

À porta do hotel há filas de Ferraris e Lamborghinis, mas o clima do bar não é de bombação, nem de ostentação. É um lugar mais procurado por quem quer beber em paz, como mulheres sozinhas que estão em viagem de negócios ou que saem do trabalho sonhando com um tempo para elas. Sem inconvenientes, só com um pouco de álcool, a vista noturna da cidade e o prazer da independência. Algumas frequentam o bar por causa de Yukiyo e sua capacidade de ouvir.

— Já atendi muitas mulheres que estavam comemorando uma promoção, ou algum acontecimento importante na empresa, e queriam fazer isso de forma discreta — conta.

A barwoman se identifica com elas. O Japão ainda é um país atrasado em relação à presença feminina na força de trabalho. Mulheres em cargos altos são figuras raras.

Yukiyo, solteira e sem filhos, preferiu fugir à regra e investir na carreira. Dorme de madrugada e acorda cedo. E em dia de folga?

— Eu bebo. É quando avalio a concorrência — solta ela, desmentindo a crença de que as japonesas sempre escondem o sorriso largo.

Texto de Claudia Sarmento publicado na "Revista O Globo" de 1° de junho de 2014. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa


THE FOOD THAT JESUS ATE MOST OFTEN

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When I get to Heaven, one of the first hundred questions I am going to ask God is this: What did manna look and taste like? If possible, I’m even going to request a sample! Manna is one of those mystery foods that I would love to subject to both medical and scientific analysis. But I have no doubt that manna was what the Bible says it was: bread from heaven.

When Moses led the children of Israel out of Egypt to travel to Canaan, the land promised to them by God, they encountered tremendous hardship in the Sinai Peninsula. This is treacherous land even today. It is an area of sand dunes, high limestone plateaus, and granite mountains, some of which reach eight thousand feet above sea level. The area is a desert wilderness, with very few sources of water. It is a land that cannot support the growth of fruits, vegetables, or grains.

Food was supplied supernaturally to the people in the form of manna. For forty years, manna was the primary staple of the Israelites.

God said to Moses, “Behold, I will rain bread from heaven for you. And the people shall go out and gather a certain quota every day” (Ex. 16:4). The exact amount to be gathered was set as an omer. Moses later told the people that they were to

"remember that the LORD your God led you all the way these forty years in the wilderness, to humble you and test you, to know what was in your heart, whether you would keep His commandments or not. So He humbled you, allowed you to hunger, and fed you with manna which you did not know nor did your fathers know, that He might make you know that man shall not live by bread alone; but man lives by every word that proceeds from the mouth of the LORD. (Deut. 8:2–3)"

Manna was an unknown food to the Israelites. In fact, manna became the name of the substance because when the Israelites first saw it, they said, “What is it?” The word for “what is it?” in Hebrew is manna. Manna appeared to them to be like small, round coriander seeds, as fine as frost. It was the color of bdellium — a pearlized white color. The people could cook it like grain — grind it on millstones or beat it in a mortar, and then cook it in pans or make cakes from it. It had the taste of “pastry prepared with oil” or “wafers made with honey” (Num. 11:8; Ex. 16:31).

When dew fell on the camp in the night, the manna appeared, and the ground was covered with it each morning. It was provided in sufficient quantity so that each person could gather up an omer of it, which was 2.2 liters or about three quarts minus a pint. Any manna left on the ground melted in the heat of the desert sun.

Manna had an interesting quality to it. It was to be gathered daily and not stored overnight, except on the night preceding the Sabbath. On the sixth day, the people were to gather two omers of manna; God apparently provided a double portion. On any other day, manna that was stored overnight would breed worms and stink—but not on the Sabbath. Surely that is one of the greatest food-related miracles of all time! (See Ex. 16:15–36.)

When Jesus taught His disciples to pray,“Give us this day our daily bread,” He appeared to be making a direct reference to the provision of manna (Matt. 6:11). The breads of Jesus’ time were coarse whole-grain breads, which were darker and heavier than the breads we have today. Since they were made with whole grain, including the bran and wheat germ, they had a much higher concentration of naturally occurring polyunsaturated oils. Just as manna would become wormy and smelly overnight, so the whole-grain bread in Jesus’ day, with its high natural oil content, was likely to become rancid and moldy if it was not consumed daily. Eating a freshly baked loaf of whole-grain bread a day was and is a healthy way to live!

For forty years, manna was the staple of the Israelites’ diet. It must have been highly nutritious to have sustained that many people for that length of time. It must have had precisely the correct balance of protein, carbohydrates, fats, vitamins, and minerals. God’s promise to the people had been, “I will put none of the diseases on you which I have brought on the Egyptians” (Ex. 15:26). His provision for fulfilling that promise was through manna.

During their travels through that barren wilderness, how the people must have longed for the fulfillment of God’s promise to them — a promise of “a land of wheat and barley, of vines and fig trees and pomegranates, a land of olive oil and honey; a land in which you will eat bread without scarcity, in which you will lack nothing” (Deut. 8:8–9).

Jesus knew what it meant to live in a wilderness such as the one through which the Israelites traveled. In Matthew 4 we read that Jesus was led by the Spirit into a wilderness area to be tempted of the devil. He remained in that wilderness—an uninhabited, desolate, lonely area — for forty days and forty nights, fasting the entire time. The Scripture tells us that afterward He was hungry. (See Matt. 4:1–2.)

During His stay in the wilderness, Jesus had three main encounters with Satan, each time Satan coming to Him with a temptation. The first temptation was this: “If You are the Son of God, command that these stones become bread.” Jesus replied, “It is written, ‘Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God’” (Matt. 4:3–4).

Now, Jesus had been fasting, and He was extremely hungry. It is no surprise that Satan would come to tempt Jesus with the food that He craved the most to quench His hunger, the food that was the foremost staple of His diet: bread.

Jesus’ statement to Satan was a direct quote of Deuteronomy 8:3, the verse in which Moses reminded the Israelites why God had given them manna. Satan’s temptation was aimed at the most immediate physical need of Jesus, the need for food for His physical survival. But Jesus’ response addressed the most basic of spiritual questions: Would He choose to live according to His natural impulses and needs, or would He live according to spiritual principles?

BREAD AND KING DAVID 

The greatest king of Israel, King David, consumed bread regularly. In fact, more references are directly made to bread and whole grains in the life of King David than in the life of any other person in the Bible.

When David was just a boy, he was told by his father, Jesse, to take an ephah of parched corn and ten loaves of bread to the camp of his brothers. These food supplies were to sustain his brothers who were in the army of Saul, camped out in the Valley of Elah across from the army of the Philistines, led by a giant named Goliath. An ephah of parched corn consisted of about five gallons of dried grain.

The corn of Bible times was not like the corn, or maize, that we know in the United States today. Maize is native to North America, where it has been cultivated for more than three thousand years by the Native American Indians. Corn in the Bible, however, refers to different grains or seeds. Even in ancient England, the term corn referred to wheat, and in Scotland and Ireland, to oats. In the case of David taking corn to his brothers, the grain in question was likely dried kernels of wheat that could be munched upon directly.

Before David became king, he went through a decade of his life in which he was mostly on the run from King Saul, who desired to kill him. David and his men worked to support themselves by providing security for farmers who had flocks grazing in the areas near where David and his men hid out in caves and narrow gorges. Nabal was one man who had been protected by David. In 1 Samuel 25, David sent ten of his men to Nabal to request a food payment for the security services he and his men had provided. But Nabal refused.

When Nabal’s wife, Abigail, heard of his refusal, she took it upon herself to take a food payment to David. Among the provisions were two hundred loaves of bread, two bottles of wine, five sheep, five measures of parched corn, a hundred clusters of raisins, and two cakes of figs. (See 1 Sam. 25:18.) God, through the services of Abigail, provided bread for David. Later in his life, David left Jerusalem after his son Absalom mounted a coup to overthrow him. He and those loyal to him went to the area across the Jordan River from Jericho. The people who were native to that area brought David these provisions: “beds and basins, earthen vessels and wheat, barley and flour, parched grain and beans, lentils and parched seeds, honey and curds, sheep and cheese of the herd . . . For they said, ‘The people are hungry and weary and thirsty in the wilderness’” (2 Sam. 17:28–29).

In Psalm 37:25, David wrote, “I have not seen the righteous forsaken, nor his descendants begging bread.” David knew this to be true from his personal experiences.

JESUS’ RELATIONSHIP WITH BREAD

Bread played an important role in the life and teachings of Jesus. But a loaf of bread in Jesus’ time was not the baker’s loaf we find in our grocery stores today. Bread was baked on large, flat rocks, the dough stretched and twirled in a circular fashion to make a large, flat circle. (A similar working of dough can sometimes be seen in traditional Italian pizza restaurants.) The resulting loaf was larger than a pancake but thin, like paper. The pita bread of today is a modern, version of these loaves. One to three loaves of bread per person were eaten at each meal.1

Jesus referred to bread in a number of His teachings. Here are several examples:

"Ask, and it will be given to you; seek, and you will find; knock, and it will be opened to you. For everyone who asks receives, and he who seeks finds, and to him who knocks it will be opened. Or what man for bread, will give him a stone? Or if he asks for a fish, will he give him a serpent? If you then, being evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Father who is in heaven give good things to those who ask Him! (Matt. 7:7-11)"

Jesus definitely regarded bread as a good gift. 

"I am the bread of life. Your fathers ate the manna in the wilderness, and are dead. This is the bread which comes down from heaven, that one may eat of it and not die. I am the living bread which came down from heaven. If anyone eats of this bread, he is there among you who, if his son asks will live forever; and the bread that I shall give is My flesh, which I shall give for the life of the world. (John 6:48–51)"

Jesus knew that bread was the staple of man’s physical life; in like manner, only those who accept Jesus as their atoning sacrifice and feed upon the Bread of Life will enjoy eternal spiritual life.

Jesus and the Feast of Unleavened Bread 

On several occasions, Jesus celebrated the Passover Feast with His disciples. This feast was marked by the consumption of lamb, bitter herbs, and unleavened bread.

Unleavened bread is simply bread made without yeast. Yeast, or leaven, causes dough to puff up. The end result is greater volume without greater weight. The Passover Feast originated as the Israelites prepared to leave Egypt. The command of God through Moses was that the people should prepare one lamb, a male yearling without blemish, and roast it by fire for consumption in one night. One lamb, either a sheep or a goat, was to be consumed per household — small households were allowed to join together so that the entire roasted lamb was eaten, including its head and entrails. The lamb was to be eaten with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. It was to be eaten as the people were wearing sandals on their feet, a belt on their waist, and a staff in their hands; in other words, the meal was to be eaten in haste, eaten as if they were ready to move out on a moment’s notice. (See Ex. 12.) Blood from the slain lamb was to be applied with hyssop branches to the doorposts and lintels of their entryways so that when the Angel of Death moved through Egypt that night, their households would be “passed over,” and they would suffer no loss of their firstborn. Indeed, that is what happened. Pharaoh, grief-stricken over the death of his firstborn son, virtually banished the Israelites from the land after years of stubbornly refusing to let them go.2

The Israelites took batches of unleavened dough with them as they left Egypt, “having their kneading bowls bound up in their clothes on their shoulders” (Ex. 12:34). Their provision as they traveled to and through the Red Sea included unleavened bread baked from these batches of dough.

Moses also instructed the people that they were to keep a seven-day feast annually as a remembrance of the night they were delivered from Egypt. In fact, the first name for the Passover Feast was the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Ex. 12:17). The Israelites were to eat unleavened bread for seven days as part of this feast, and during those days, they were to have a holy consecration and were to do no work. Moses said that when their children asked why they kept this feast, the people were to explain, “It is the Passover sacrifice of the LORD, who passed over the houses of the children of Israel in Egypt when He struck the Egyptians and delivered our households” (Ex. 12:27).

Jesus at the Last Supper 

On the night that Jesus was betrayed by Judas, He and His disciples ate their last supper together. We read in the apostle Paul’s letter to the Corinthians about this night:

"For I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to you: that the Lord Jesus on the same night in which He was betrayed took bread; and when He had given thanks, He broke it and said, “Take, eat; this is My body which is broken for you; do this in remembrance of Me.” In the same manner He also took the cup after supper, saying, “This cup is the new covenant in My blood. This do, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of Me.” (1 Cor. 11:23–25)"

The meal that Jesus and His disciples were eating together was the last meal with leavened bread prior to the Passover Feast. Jesus died on the first day of Passover, fulfilling the meaning of the broken bread (His broken body), the slain lamb (His being the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world), and the bitter herbs (the bitterness associated with His death, as well as the offering of bitter vinegar while He was on the cross). This night before the Passover meal was the night in which all leaven was removed from the house. All utensils were scrubbed clean, all leavening agents were tossed out, and even the floors, walls, and fabrics of a house were washed. Likewise, the washing of the disciples’ feet came after the supper was over — it was a symbol that Jesus was cleansing His disciples thoroughly from all the evil that lay ahead. Although they didn’t realize it at the time, Jesus’ washing of their feet was a sign that He alone would be crucified the next day—the lives of His intimate associates would be spared so they might move forward into the fullness of the ministry that God had for them.

In the Scriptures, leaven is referred to in both good and bad ways. Jesus said of the teaching of the Pharisees and Sadducees, “Take heed and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and the Sadducees” (Matt. 16:5). On another occasion, however, Jesus said, “The kingdom of heaven is like leaven, which a woman took and hid in three measures of meal till it was all leavened” (Matt. 13:33). Jesus didn’t have anything against bread with yeast! Most of the bread He consumed had leavening.

Jesus by the Sea After His Resurrection

After Jesus’ resurrection, He joined His disciples by the Sea of Galilee for a breakfast of fish and bread. (See John 21:9–12).

Jesus and Raw Grain

Jesus and His disciples ate grains in their raw state, as recorded in Luke 6:1: “Now it happened on the second Sabbath after the first that He went through the grainfields. And His disciples plucked the heads of grain and ate them, rubbing them in their hands.” To do this was entirely lawful — in biblical times, people were allowed to glean or pick freely the grain that remained in a field after harvest. These grains may still have been green, or they may have ripened after the harvest. Rubbing the grain in their hands removed the outer husk, but the bran and wheat germ remained.

WHEAT AND BARLEY 

The two foremost grains used in the Old Testament were barley and wheat. Wheat is actually mentioned fifty-one times in the Scriptures. A wheat harvest is mentioned in Genesis 30:14, and a barley harvest is mentioned in Ruth 1:22.

Wheat was considered the staff of life and the king of grains. It became used as a measure of wealth. Barley, the cheaper and more plentiful of the two grains, was used by the poorer classes of people.

A family that had wheat bread was considered to be a fairly high-class family. In the time of Jesus, wheat was worth about three times more than barley. That apparently was also true seventy years later when John wrote in the book of Revelation: “I heard a voice in the midst of the four living creatures saying, ‘A quart of wheat for a de narius, and three quarts of barley for a denarius; and do not harm the oil and the wine’” (Rev. 6:6).

Wheat’s Nutritional Value 

The nutritional breakdown of just one ounce of wheat bran is as follows:

Calories 60, fiber 12 grams, fat 1 gram, potassium 410 milligrams, carbohydrate 18 grams, protein 5 grams.

Wheat germ is high in B vitamins, iron, magnesium, zinc, chromium, manganese, and vitamin E. Just a quarter of a cup of wheat germ has five grams of fiber.

Wheat bran’s high fiber content is one of the best-known dietary sources of insoluble fiber. It is an excellent means of protecting against and curing constipation. It helps prevent intestinal infections, hemorrhoids, and varicose veins, and helps guard against colon cancer. A healthy amount of wheat bran to consume is one to two heaping tablespoons per day.
Wheat As a Whole Grain

In addition to being used to make flour for bread, grains in Bible times were roasted, boiled, parched, or even eaten green from the stalk. Grains were ground, crushed, pounded, and dried to make soups, grain-based salads, casseroles, and even desserts.3
Bulgur wheat is a special preparation of the wheat grain that is found commonly in the Middle East. In bulgur wheat, the wheat kernels are washed, scrubbed, cracked, and then dried. The smaller grains can then be cooked or soaked in water — as they soak or cook, they swell. This grain is commonly used in making tabouli (also called “tabbouleh”), a salad prepared in Israel using bulgur wheat, olive oil, garlic, lemon juice, parsley, scallions, and other chopped fresh herbs.4

Another form of cracked wheat that is smaller than bulgur wheat is called couscous. This grain can also be used in making tabouli and other salads, but it is usually used as a main dish or in casseroles. Some desserts even use couscous. This grain is easily prepared by pouring boiling water over the cracked wheat or by lightly cooking it.

Nutritionally Rich Barley Bread 

While we do not know with certainty that Jesus ate wheat bread, we do know that He ate barley bread. In the story of the feeding of the five thousand men—plus women and children—the miracle occurred because Jesus broke, blessed, and multiplied five barley loaves and two small fish brought to the event by a young boy. Barley loaves were also multiplied by Elisha; he multiplied twenty loaves of barley bread to feed a hundred men (See 2 Kings 4:42–44).

Roman gladiators were sometimes called hordearii, which means “barley eaters,” because the grain was added to their diet to give them bursts of strength before their contests. Barley is considered to be one of three balanced starches (rice and potatoes being the other two) that are rich in complex carbohydrates and fuel the body with a steady flow of energy.

In some areas of the Middle East, barley has been called the “medicine for the heart.” It contains fiber that can lower the risk of heart disease by reducing artery-clogging LDL (bad) cholesterol. This same high fiber content keeps a person regular, relieving constipation and warding off a variety of digestive problems. It may also help block the development of cancer.

In a study conducted at Montana State University, a group of men ate a high-barley diet, including cereal, bread, cake, and muffins made from barley flour. After consuming three servings a day of this food for six weeks, the cholesterol levels of these men were an average of 15 percent lower. Those with the highest cholesterol levels at the start of the study showed the most significant improvement. Another group of men who ate the same products made with wheat or bran flour did not have a drop in their cholesterol counts.

Look for the term unpearled on a box of barley grain or flour. This means that the barley is unprocessed and high in fiber. It is available at most health food stores. In contrast, barley that is labeled “Scotch” or “pearled” has been processed and is not nearly as effective.

Barley is available on the market today, but you do have to look for it. Barley bread is virtually nonexistent — you’d have to make it yourself from the grain you could find. The vast majority of barley grown today is used to feed livestock or to manufacture whiskey and beer. Barley grain is rarely eaten by itself; however, it is sometimes used as an ingredient in soups.

Other Biblical Grains 

Worldwide, more than eight thousand different species of plants supply grains. Only a very small number of these grains are consumed routinely by Americans. The most commonly consumed grains worldwide are wheat, rice, corn, and oats. Rice, corn, and oats were not consumed in Israel during the time of Jesus.

Other grains mentioned in the Bible besides wheat and barley are millet and rye. Millet is mentioned only once in the Scriptures (Ezek. 4:9). As a grain, however, millet is superior to wheat, corn, and rice in protein content; its average protein content is between 10 and 12 percent. It is also high in minerals and is easily digested. Millet is a hardy plant and can grow in rich or poor soil. It requires little moisture in order to grow. Since wheat allergy is one of the most common food allergies in America today, millet is a good alternative. Millet has no gluten, which is the primary cause of wheat food allergies. Many health food stores carry millet bread. Sadly, the majority of millet grain that is produced is used as bird or chicken feed. Interesting, isn’t it, that we feed our birds better grain than many of us eat ourselves?5

Rye is another grain mentioned in the Bible. Rye is a gluten grain, but its gluten content is much lower than that of wheat. It is approximately 20 percent protein and is high in fiber. Rye contains high amounts of the minerals magnesium, iron, and potassium. It also contains B vitamins and other minerals. Most rye breads available commercially are made with refined rye flour, and this flour has usually been mixed with processed wheat flour. Pure rye bread is difficult to find. It is nearly black in color and is very nourishing and flavorful.

WHOLE GRAINS FOR MAXIMUM HEALTH BENEFIT

When it comes to the nutritional value of grains, a very simple choice is involved: whole or refined. Rather than choose whole-grain breads, we tend to choose the refined white bread. Instead of whole-grain cereals, we tend to feed our children boxes of commercial breakfast cereals that usually have more than 50 percent of their calories in sugar and very little to no fiber. As far as I am concerned, these cereals should not even be called cereals. They should be labeled “cookies” or “candies” rather than “cereals.”

Unfortunately, one saying among nutritionists is this: “The whiter the bread, the sooner you’re dead.” But most of us habitually choose white bread because that’s what we were fed as children. Most of us don’t have a clue as to how wheat is processed in order to make bread white.

THE PROCESSING OF WHEAT

FOR “WHITENESS” 

The processing of whole grains of wheat to white flour takes approximately twenty steps.6 The wheat kernel is composed of an outer layer called the bran. The bran is rich in B vitamins, minerals, and fiber. The next layer is the wheat germ, which is the sprouting portion of the kernel. The wheat germ is a rich source of vitamins B and E. The next layer is the endosperm, which is the starch or food supply for the sprouting seed.

The endosperm is approximately 80 to 85 percent of the grain. The germ is about 3 percent, and the bran about 15 percent.

Refined white flour is pure endosperm or starch. Both the bran and the germ have been removed, along with approximately 80 percent of the wheat’s nutrients. The endosperm has far lower B vitamin and mineral content than the germ and bran, and also significantly less fiber.

Not only have 80 percent of the nutrients been removed, but the milling process involves such high temperatures that the remaining grain is damaged by oxidation. Flour at the end of the refining process actually has a grayish appearance from the oxidation. That color, of course, would be offensive to most consumers.

So a chemical agent such as chlorine dioxide, acetone peroxide, or benzoyl peroxide is used to bleach the flour to make it white. This bleaching process destroys even more of the few vitamins that remain. In addition, the bleaches can react with fatty acids to produce peroxides that are toxic and that can cause free-radical reactions. (Just compare these bleach products to the labels on chemical bleaches in your home such as Clorox!) In all, the milling and bleaching processes used today remove some twenty-two important nutrients from our bread, including fiber, vitamins, and minerals.

The white flour, however, looks cleaner and purer than dirty brown whole wheat flour. And as a consequence, it is more appealing to the American public.

What about “enriched” bread? To these breads, bakeries usually replace about four nutrients to the flour they use — thiamin, niacin, riboflavin, and iron. However, the vitamins they use are usually “coal tar derived” vitamins. Unfortunately, the end result is extremely little actual vitamin enrichment.
Low-fiber bread that has been laced with a great deal of sugar and hydrogenated fat becomes pastelike in the intestines. This, in turn, leads to constipation, which in turn may lead to gastrointestinal disease such as irritable bowel syndrome, diverticulosis, diverticulitis, and hemorrhoids.

“But,” you may be saying, “I only have a couple of slices of white bread a day.” Oh, really? Are you also counting the buns for your hamburgers and hot dogs? Are you including crackers, bagels, pretzels, and many pasta and cereal products, which are also made of white flour? Remember, the most commonly eaten foods in America are white bread, coffee, and hot dogs.

The Link to Food Allergies

Gluten is the main protein found in grains. Wheat has a higher gluten content than any other grain. Oats, rye, and barley also have gluten, but it is present in lower amounts. Nongluten grains include rice, millet, buckwheat, amaranth, and quinoa. A grain with low gluten content is spelt.

Celiac disease is an intestinal disorder characterized by malabsorption and diarrhea that result from the body’s inability to utilize gluten. Allergies to grains may be the result of excessive consumption of processed foods.

Choose Whole-Grain Products!

The conclusion we can draw is this: Choose whole-grain products! Besides bread, you should be able to find whole-grain pasta, whole-grain muffins and bagels, and whole-grain pretzels. If the label on these products does not read “whole wheat” or “whole grain,” you should assume that the product is made completely or partially with refined flour.

DRINKING YOUR GRAINS

Convenient and health-promoting products made available by our technology today are beverages that yield the nutritional benefit of whole grains without actually having to eat the grains. Rather, we can drink the nutritional benefits from whole grain.

Wheat grass and barley grass products are both available. At times, the juice itself can be purchased. More commonly, these products are found in powder form that can be mixed with water, juice, or another beverage. Both are rich in chlorophyll, which is the green blood of the plant. Chlorophyll is very similar to the “heme” component that is part of the hemoglobin in our blood, the part of the blood that carries oxygen. Heme in blood is bound by iron whereas chlorophyll in plants is bound by magnesium.

Extracts of wheat and barley are rich in flavonoids, which are phytonutrients. Flavonoids have been shown to have antiviral, antitumor, and anti-inflammatory properties. Chlorophyllin is quite abundant in both wheat and barley grasses. It has been shown to inhibit a number of carcinogens including those found in cigarette smoke and in charred meats.7 Wheat grass and barley grass powders are often packaged with chlorella, spirulina, and blue-green algae in products that are called “green foods” or “superfoods.”


  • WHAT WOULD JESUS EAT? 


Jesus ate whole grains directly and in the form of whole-grain bread. We can follow His example by choosing to eat whole-grain breads and pastas, and to eat whole grains in cooked and salad dishes.

NOTES

1. Joan Nathan, The Foods of Israel Today (New York: Random House, 2001).
2. For more on this, see William Coleman, Today’s Handbook of Bible Times and Customs (Minneapolis, Minn., 1984).
3. Globe Communications Corporation, Healing Foods from the Bible (Boca Raton, Fla.: American Media Mini Mags, Inc., 2001), 85.
4  Joan Nathan, The Foods of Israel Today.(New York: Random House, 2001).
5. Rex Russell, What the Bible Says About Healthy Living (Ventura, Calif.: Regal Books, 1996).
6. Udo Erasmus, Fats That Heal, Fats That Kill (Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada: Alive Books, 1994).
7. Mitchell L. Gaynor et al., Dr. Gaynor’s Cancer Prevention Program (New York: Kensington Publishing, 1999).

By Don Colbert in "What Would Jesus Eat?", Nelson Books, USA, 2002, excerpts chapter 3. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

KING SOLOMON'S TEMPLE

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It was King David who first proposed to substitute for the nomadic tabernacle a permanent place of worship for his people. For this purpose he purchased Mount Moriah, one of the eminences of the ridge which was known as Mount Zion, and was the property of Oman, the Jebusite, who used it as a threshing-floor. But, although King David had designed the temple and acquired all the necessary means, and even collected many of the materials, he was not permitted to commence the undertaking, and the execution of the task was left to his son and successor, Solomon. Accordingly that monarch laid the foundation of the edifice in the fourth year of his reign, 1012 B.C.; and with the assistance of his friend and ally, Hiram, king of Tyre, completed it in about seven years and a half, dedicating it to the service of the Most High in the year 1004 B.C. This was the year of the world 3000, according to the Hebrew chronology; and although there has been much difference among the chronologists in relation to the precise date, this is the one that has been generally accepted, and it is therefore adopted by Masons in their calculations of different epochs.

When Solomon was about to build the Temple (II. Chron. i. 10) he called upon Hiram, king of Tyre, to furnish him with a supply of timber. The Tyrian king not only supplied him with the timber, which was cut in the forest of Lebanon by the Sicleonites and sent on floats by sea to Joppa, a distance of over one hundred miles, and thence carried by land about forty miles to Jerusalem, but also sent him a man by the name of Hiram Abiff, the most accomplished designer and operator then known in the country. Tyre and Sidon were the chief cities of the Phoenicians. Tyre was distant from Jerusalem about one hundred and twenty miles by sea, and was thirty miles nearer by land. Sidon was under the Tyrian Government, situated twenty miles north of Tyre in the forests of Lebanon. It was a place of considerable importance even in the time of Joshua (1451 B.C), who succeeded Moses, and who spoke of it "Great Sidon." Hence it is evident that the Phenicians were far advanced in the arts of life when the Israelites reached the promised land. That no confusion might arise, owing to the great numbers employed, King Solomon selected those of most enlightened minds, religious and zealous in good work, as masters to superintend the workmen; and for overseers of the work he selected men who were skillful in geometry and proportion, and who had been initiated and proved in the mystical learning of the ancient sages. He numbered and classed all the craftsmen, whether natives or foreigners.

At the completion of the temple, the ark of the covenant was deposited by Solomon in the Sanctum Sanctorum, or Holy of Holies, of the temple. It was lost upon the final destruction of the building by the Chaldeans in 588 B. C. The first temple of the Jews was called the palace or the house of Jehovah to indicate its splendor and magnificence, and was intended to be the perpetual dwelling-place of the Lord. It was one of the most magnificent structures of the ancient world. It was surrounded with spacious courts, and the whole structure occupied at least half a mile in circumference. This was surrounded by a wall of great height, exceeding in the lowest part four hundred and fifty feet, constructed entirely of white marble. The body of the temple was in size much les, than many a modern parish church, for its length was but ninety feet, or, including the porch, one hundred and five, and its width but thirty, being just twice the size of the old or Sinaitic tabernacle. It was its outer courts, its numerous terraces, and the magnificence of its external and internal decorations, together with its elevated position above the surrounding dwellings, which produced that splendor of appearance that attracted the admiration of all who beheld it and gave cause for the queen of Sheba, when it first broke upon her view, to exclaim in admiration, "A Most Excellent Master must have done this!" The twelve tribes of Israel were all engaged in its construction, and for its erection David had collected more than four thousand millions of dollars, and 184,600 men were engaged about seven and one-half years in building it ; after its completion it was dedicated by Solomon with solemn prayer, and seven days of fasting, during which a peace-offering of twenty thousand oxen and six times that number of sheep was made, to consume which the holy fire came down from heaven.

The Exploration of Jerusalem.

Recent explorations of Jerusalem by an association known as "The Palestine Exploration Fund" of England, with Captain Charles Warren in charge, have made many discoveries that go to corroborate the testimony of Josephus and of Scriptural writers of the earlier history of the Holy City.

The present city of Jerusalem stands, as it were, upon a heap of dust and rubbish, under which is the Jerusalem of the Bible. The fact that ancient Jerusalem was seventeen times captured, and more than once leveled to the ground, its splendid edifices converted into piles of dust and ruins, is not sufficient altogether to account for this singular situation, but it is rather to the fact that the stone of which the houses and walks of Jerusalem are built is very friable and exfoliates rapidly, so rapidly that a few centuries are sufficient to reduce a square block to a shapeless mass. This, of course, produces pulverized earth, the earth which has buried fifty, seventy five and even a hundred feet deep, the Jerusalem of our Saviour's period. The so-called "Jerusalem marble," taken from the immense quarry which underlies so much of the northeastern quarter of the city, and which has been excavated during the last three thousand years expressly for building materials, is so soft when it first comes from the quarry that it may almost be crushed between the fingers. It is but little firmer than a well-crystallized loaf of sugar. True, it hardens upon exposure, and in time becomes a fair material for building purposes; but if any one is surprised to find the city of Jerusalem standing upon a pile of disintegrated limestone, fifty feet thick, as it surely does, he has only to explore that enormous quarry, a quarter of a mile deep, to discover where the rubbish originally came.

This explanation will enable the reader to understand what is meant by exploring Jerusalem. It is simply to go to the bottom $f that enormous mound of dust and ashes, and let in the light upon streets and foundations upon which it shone two thousand years ago. In this respect there is a most exact analogy between the exploration of Jerusalem and of Pompeii. Over the latter city the superincumbent mass is scoriae, lava and volcanic ashes; in the former the accumulations are of pulverized limestone, added, of course, to the garbage of the city, shreds of pottery, bones, etc., etc., the accumulations of that extended period. It is no romance to say that the present Jerusalem overlies many Jerusalems that have gone to dust, in the centuries since the Jebusites established their citadel upon Mount Zion, before the time of Abraham, and that the explorer's spade must pass these graves of cities one by one to find the remnants which he seeks. These remarks are likewise applicable to the old sites of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, etc.

The Foundation of the Temple.

It is difficult for the superficial reader to comprehend that although the temple of Solomon is absolutely gone effaced from the earth, so that not a crumb or fragment can be recognized yet its foundation remains. By this term is not meant the walls upon which the temple was built (comparing it with an ordinary edifice), but the platform, the hill, the mound artificially erected to serve as a basis for the sublime structure.

The hill, styled in the Old Testament Moriah, and more recently Mount Moriah, was, by nature, a narrow, knobby, crooked ridge (of the class familiarly known as "hog back"), deeply channeled by ravines and gulleys, honeycombed with caves, and in no proper sense fit to be used as the basis of a great temple. On all sides it fell off rapidly and very steeply, except from northwest to southeast, the direction in which the ridge ran. The area on the summit was enlarged by walls built along the declivities, the outside wall deep down the valleys, from 100 to 150 feet below the area on which the temple buildings stood. One hundred feet again below this lay the original bed of the brook Kedron. The foundations of the temple, therefore, were 250 feet above the deep defiles around. This area, originally built by Solomon and enlarged by Herod, still exists, running on the south along the valley of Hinnom 1,000 feet and along the Kedron 1,500. To transform this unsightly and circumscribed ridge into a solid, broad, high and durable platform was a problem of stupendous magnitude as great a one, perhaps even greater, than would have been that of making a platform entirely artificial.

To illustrate and convey a partial idea of the task that devolved upon Hiram and his builders: Go out upon a level plain; measure off an oblong square, i,600 feet by 1,000, equal to thirty-six and a half acres ; build a wall around it of great stones, eight, ten, twenty, and even forty feet long, and of proportionate breadth and thickness; bind the foundation-stones of this wall firmly together with clamps of iron and lead, and in the same manner fasten them into the native rock that lies below ; raise that wall to an average height of one hundred and fifty feet of solid masonwork ; fill up solid the whole area of thirty-six and a half ateres to that great height of one hundred and fifty feet! This being done, you will have such a platform as was erected by Solomon's craftsmen, upon which to build the temple.

The figure is not absolutely, correct, for there was a central core to the platform, viz.: the original Mount Moriah, and in the masonwork many large vaults and subterranean chambers were left. Now, when we describe the foundations of King Solomon's temple as still remaining, we allude to this stupendous base, the platform of thirty-six and a half acres, constructed in so substantial a manner that neither time, nor the devastation of barbarian force, nor the mighty bruit of earthquakes, has had power to break it up. So large are the stones of which the outer walls are built, so artistically are they laid together in relation to each other, and so firmly morticed at their interior edges and at their points of junction with the native rock, that it is safe to say that no power that human hands can apply will ever remove them, nor will any volcanic force affect them, less than that which would elevate the bed of the sea and sink the mountains into the depths.

On top of and along the outer walls of this inclosure or foundation were built the porticoes or covered walks, above which were galleries or apartments, supported by pillars of white marble, that overlooked the brook Kedron and the valley of Hinnom. They were magnificent structures, resembling the nave and aisles of Gothic cathedrals. But these were only the outer buildings of the temple area. The porticoes opened inwardly upon a court paved with marble and open to the sky. This was called the "Court of the Gentiles," because the Gentiles were admitted into it, but were prohibited from passing farther. It was the exterior court, and by far the largest of all the courts belonging to the temple. It entirely surrounded the other courts and the temple itself.

Passing through the court of the Gentile you enter the Court of Israel, which was divided bv a low stone wall into two divisions, the outer one being occupied by the women, from which an ascent is made of fifteen steps to the inner one, which was occupied by the men. In this court, and the piazza which surrounded it, the Israelites stood in solemn and reverent silence while their sacrifices were burning in the inner court, or "Court of the Priests," and while the services of the sanctuary were performed.

The "Court of the Priests" was within the Court of Israel and surrounded by it. Within this court stood the brazen altar on which the sacrifices were consumed, the molten sea in which the priwashed, and the ten brazen lavers for washing the sacrifices;.also the various utensils and instruments used for sacrificing. To this court the people brought their oblations and sacrifices, but none were permitted to enter but the priests who prepared and offered the sacrifice. From the Court of the Priests twelve steps ascended to the temple, strictly so called, which was divided into three parts, the porch, the sanctuary and the Holy of Holies. At the entrance to the porch of the temple was a gate made entirely of brass, the most precious metal known to the ancients. Beside this gate and just under the porch there were two pillars. Jachin and hoax. These pillars were twenty-seven feet high and six feet through. The thickness of the brass of each pillar was three inches. The one that stood on the right hand (or south) was called Jachin, and the other at the left hand (or north) was called Boaz.

It has been supposed that Solomon, in erecting these pillars, had reference to the pillar of cloud and pillar of fire, which went before the Israelites in their journey through the wilderness, and that the right-hand or south pillar represented the pillar of cloud and the left-hand or north pillar represented that of fire. Solomon did not simply erect them as ornaments to the temple, but as memorials of God's repeated promises of support to his people of Israel. For the pillar (Jachin), derived from the Hebrew words (Jah), "Jehovah," and (achin), "to establish," signifies that "God will establish his house of Israel"; while the pillar (Boaz), compounded of (b), "in," and (oaz), "strength," signifies that "in strength shall it be established." And thus were the Jews, in passing through the porch to the temple, daily reminded of the abundant promises of God, and inspired with confidence in his protection and gratitude for his many acts of kindness to his chosen people. If this symbolism be correct, the pillars of the porch, like those of the wilderness, would refer to the superintending and protecting power of Deity. (Calcott, Cand. Disg., 66.)

From the porch you enter the sanctuary by a portal, which, instead of folding-doors, was furnished with a magnificent veil of many colors, which mystically represented the universe. In the sanctuary were placed the various utensils necessary for the daily worship. The Holy of Holies, or innermost chamber, was separated from the sanctuary by doors of olive, richly sculptured and inlaid with gold and covered with veils of blue, purple, scarlet, and the finest linen. Into the most sacred place the high priest alone could dnter, and that only once a year, on the day of atonement.

If one looked upon Mount Moriah from the brow of Mount Olivet opposite, and beheld the city from the direction of Bethany, it must have been a sight which, for architectural beauty and grandeur, perhaps, has never been equaled, certainly not surpassed. It was an artificial mountain from the deep ravines below, wall, column, roof, pinnacle, culminating in the temple within and above all, and probably measuring between 500 and 600 feet in height.

James Fergusson, Esq., the distinguished architect, writes: "The triple temple of Jerusalem, the lower court standing on its magnificent terraces, the inner court raised on its platform in the center, and the temple itself rising out of the group and crowning the whole, must have formed, when combined with the beauty of the situation, one of the most splendid architectural combinations of the ancient world."

Josephus wrote: "If any one looked down from the top of the battlements he would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth." This passed for foolish exaggeration till recent explorations vindicated the statement.

Croley (in Salathiel), in his magnificent word painting, describes the mountain and its glorious occupant (Temple of Herod 1 ), the year of its destruction, A. D. 70, which was similar in structure to the Temple of Solomon, as follows : "I see the Court of the Gentiles circling the whole, a fortress of the purest marble, with its wall rising six hundred feet from the valley; its kingly entrance, worthy of the fame of Solomon: its innumerable and stately buildings for the priests and officers of the temple, and above them, glittering like a succession of diadems, those alabaster porticoes and colonnades in which the chiefs and sages of Jerusalem sat teaching the people, or walked, breathing the air, and gazing on the grandeur of a landscape which swept the whole amphitheater of the mountains. I see, rising above this stupendous boundary, the court of the Jewish women, separated by its porphyry pillars and richly sculptured wall; above this the separated court of the men; still higher, the court of the priests; and highest, the crowning splendor of all the central temple, the place of the sanctuary, and of the Holy of Holies, covered with plates of gold, its roof planted with lofty spearheads of gold, the most precious marbles and metals everywhere flashing back the day, till Mount Moriah stood forth to the eye of the stranger approaching Jerusalem, what it had been so often described by its bards and people, a mountain of snow studded with jewels."

All these buildings, porticoes, columns, pinnacles, altar and temple, have perished. "Not one stone remains upon another which has not been thrown down." The area alone remains, and the massive substructures for 3,000 years have been sleeping in their courses. The preservation has been due to the ruin. Buildings so vast have been toppled down the slopes of the Moriah, that the original defiles and valleys have been almost obliterated. What has been regarded as the original surface has been found to be debris from 70 to 90 feet deep.

With pickaxe and shekel British explorers have been down to the original foundations. Fallen columns have been met with and avoided, or a way blasted through them. The cinders of burnt Jerusalem have been cut through and turned up to the light rich moulds deposited by the treasures of Jewish pride. The seal of Haggai, in ancient Hebrew characters, was picked up out of the siftings of this deposit. The first courses of stones deposited by Phoenician builders have been reached, lying on the living rock. Quarry-marks, put on in vermilion, have been copied known to be quarry-marks by the trickling drops of paint, still visible only they are above the letters, showing that when they were written the stones lay with the underside uppermost.

The whole of Mount Moriah has been found to be fairly honeycombed with cisterns and passages. One of the cisterns, known as the Great Sea, would contain two millions of gallons, and all together not less than ten millions. The wall of Ophel has been exposed at the present time 70 feet high though buried in debris; and the remains of towers and houses have been lighted upon belonging to the age of the kings of Judah.

The seven successive objects that have occupied this sacred ridge, to which a Mason's attention is directed, are:
1. The Altar of Abraham.
2. The Threshine-floor of Oman.
3. The Altar of David.
4. The Temple of Solomon.
5. The Temple of Zerubbabel.
6. The Temple of Herod.
7. The Mosque of Omar. In the fourtenth century this building was described as a very fair house, lofty and circular, covered with lead, well paved with white marble.

The temple area is now occupied by two Turkish mosques, into which, until recently, neither Jew nor Christian was permitted to enter.

Ancient Temples.

The Egyptian form of a temple was borrowed by the Jews, and with some modifications adopted by the Greeks and Romans, whence it passed over into modern Europe.

The direction of an Egyptian temple was usually from east to west, the entrance being at the east. It was a quadrangular building, much longer than its width, and was situated in the western part of a sacred enclosure. The approach through this enclosure to the temple proper was frequently by a double row of Sphinxes. In front of the entrance were a pair of tall obelisks, which will remind the reader of the two pillars at the porch of Solomon's temple. The temple was divided into a spacious hall, where the great body of the worshipers assembled. Beyond it, in the western extremity, was the cell or sekos, equivalent to the Jewish Holy of Holies, into which the priests only entered ; and in the remotest part, behind a curtain, appeared the image of the god seated on his shrine or the sacred animal which represented him.

The Grecian temples like the Egyptian and the Hebrew, were placed within an inclosure, which was separated from the profane land around it, in early times, by ropes, l^ut afterwards by a wall. The temple was usually quadrangular, although some were circular in form. It was divided into parts similar to the Egyptian.

The Roman temples, after they emerged from their primitive simplicity, were constructed much upon the mode of the Grecian. The idea of a separation into a holy and a most holy place has everywhere been preserved. The same idea is maintained in the construction of Masonic Lodges, which are but imitations, in spirit, of the ancient temples. The Most Holy Place of the Egyptians and Jews was in the West, whereas now it is in the East.

Division of the Hebrew Nation.

Solomon died in the year 975 B. C. During his reign he peacefully consolidated and recaptured, fortified or built cities or stations for commerce or protection at strategic points. He built, reservoirs, aqueducts, many wonderful buildings, and laid out "paradises" and gardens. Many kings were his tributaries; untold wealth and the wonders and curiosities of many countries flowed into or through the land, so that "silver was nothing accounted of in his day." Many foreigners were attracted by his splendor and wisdom, notably Balkis (?), the queen of Sheba, with her marvelous retinue. To meet with Oriental ideas of his royal magnificence, his harem grew to number one thousand inmates, and, contrary to the law of Moses, he not only multiplied wives, but by his marriages formed alliances with many heathen nations. In his old age his "strange" wives led him to commit or permit gross and vicious idolatry. He was gifted with transcendent wisdom and the most brilliant mental powers, yet towards the end of his life he presented the sad spectacle of a common eastern despot, voluptuous, idolatrous, occasionally even cruel, and his reign can not but be regarded, both politically and financially, as a splendid failure. Before his death Edom and Syria revolted, tribal jealousies arose in Israel, and Jeroboam, of the tribe of Ephraim, who was superintendent of the public works, began to plot the division of the nation, in which he was aided by the alienation of the people coming through the intolerable oppression and taxation that were necessary to meet the enormous expenses of the court. For this conspiracy Jeroboam was forced to flee to save his life. He went to Egypt and placed himself under the protection of Shishak, the king.

Hardly had Solomon breathed his last when his people arose in revolt. Rehoboam, his son and successor, whose mother was Naamah, an Ammonite, adopted his father's methods as his own, and with a haughty air unwisely provoked the resentment which justice and policy called upon him to allay. Ten tribes, under the leadership of Jeroboam, what, after the death of Solomon, had returned to Jerusalem, seceded from his dominion and formed the nation or kingdom of Israel, and took up their residence in Samaria; while the remaining two, the tribes of Tudah and Benjamin, retained possession of the Temple and of Jerusalem under the name of the Kingdom of Judah. Thus, in 975 B. C, was effected the division of the Hebrew nation into peopies who ever afterwards maintained towards each other an attitude of estrangement and hostility. In the following year Jeroboam, king of Israel, abolished the worship of Jehovah and established that of the golden calves at Dan and Bethel. The priests and Levites and pious Israelites leave their possessions in the kingdom of Israel and are incorporated in the kingdom of Judah.

The Temple retained its splendor only thirty three years, for in the year 971 B.C., Shishak, the king of Egypt, made war upon the king of Judah, took Jerusalem and carried away the choicest treasures. From that time to the period of its final destruction the history of the Temple is but a history of alternate spoliations and repairs, of profanations and idolatry and subsequent restorations to a purity of worship.

After the completion of the Temple, having finished that great work, and filled all Judea with temples and palaces and walled cities (II. Chron. xi.;I. Kings ix.) , having enriched and beautified Gezer, Baalah and Tadmor with the results of their genius, many of these "cunning workmen," or members of the Fraternity of Architects, passed into Greece, Rome, Spain, and other countries, wherever their services could be employed in the erection of famous edifices for which the ancient world is justly celebrated.

About the year 721 B. C. the army of Shalmaneser IV., king of Assyria, invaded Samaria, the home of the descendants of the ten revolted tribes, captured the city of Samaria, the capital, and caused the downfall of the kingdom of Israel. Hoshea, its sovereign, was thrown into prison, the greater part of the inhabitants carried away captive into the far East, the mountainous regions of Media, and their place supplied by Assyrian colonists brought from Babylon, Persia, Shushan, Elam, and other places. These colonists brought with them the idolatrous creed and practices of the region from which they emigrated. They mingled with the remnant of the Israelites, intermarried and formed the mixed people called Samaritans. The Israelites who had been exiled never returned, and what became of them has always been, and we presume will always remain, matter of vaguest speculation.

Compiled by John R. Bennett in "The Origin of Freemansory and Knights Templar", Johnson & Hardim, Cincinnati, USA, 1907, excerpts pp.40-58. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

LA REFORMA DE CALVINO

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Calvino (1509-1564), en medio del mundo reformista que se interroga, hacia 1540, sobre las finalidades del movimiento desatado veinte años antes, que desea una revisión más profunda de las tradiciones y que quiere, con un nuevo impulso, afirmar aún más claramente la trascendencia divina, ofrece una doctrina clara, lógica hasta sus últimas consecuencias, accesible a todos.

La aparición de Calvino

En marzo de 1536 aparece en Basilea una gran obra en latín: "Chrislianae Religionis Institutio", dedicada al rey de Francia. Su autor es un joven clérigo, ya conocido, que desea aclarar las posiciones de los reformistas y dar a los fieles una interpretación verdadera de las Escrituras.

a) La formación de Calvino recuerda más la de Zuinglio que la de Lutero. Nace en Noyon, donde su padre es secretario del obispo. Naturalmente, se piensa hacer de él un hombre de la Iglesia. A par tir de los 14 años se le concede un beneficio, y estudia en el colegio de la Marche y después en el de Montaigu, donde el recuerdo de Erasmo es rechazado por el director, Noel Bédier, adversario declarado de los luteranos y de los discípulos de Lefevbre d ’Etaples, a los que confunde en un rechazo global. Calvino continúa sus estudios de derecho en Orleans y Bourges. El joven se apasiona por el humanismo, y su primera obra, en 1532, es un comentario erasmiano de Séneca, buscando las correlaciones entre estoicismo y cristianismo. Entra en contacto, desde luego, con las obras de Lutero y las ideas de los evangelistas: uno de sus maestros, Wolmar, se había convertido a la Reforma. Instalado en París, asiduo del Colegio real, Calvino opta por la nueva fe a raíz de una «conversión súbita». Participa, indudablemente, en la redacción del discurso de aper tura de curso del rector Nicolás Cop, en el que se desarrolla claramente el tema de la justificación por la fe (1533). Escándalo e intervención del Parlamento. Huye de París, renuncia a sus beneficios eclesiásticos y después, a raíz del asunto de los Placards, que desata la persecución, se refugia en el extranjero: en Estrasburgo, donde conoce a Bucer; en Friburgo, donde encuentra a Erasmo, ya anciano, y en Basilea, donde frecuenta a los sacraméntanos. A lo largo de este periplo, adquiere los conocimientos teológicos y escritúrales que le faltaban, se inquieta por las divergencias entre los reformados y se indigna con las tentativas conciliadoras de Melanchton, dispuesto a sacrificar una par te del mensaje luterano para obtener la unión de la Iglesia. Entonces decide redactar una profesión de fe para reanimar las energías: la ¡nstitutio, en su primera versión latina.

b) El texto de la Institutio aparece en un momento favorable, si se examina la situación de la Reforma en Europa. Después de los rápidos progresos de las ideas evangélicas, acogidas favorablemente en los medios en que se manifestaba más fuertemente la exigencia religiosa, reinaba cierta confusión. En Alemania del Norte y en Escandinavia, el luteranismo, al transformarse en institución del Estado, había perdido su dinamismo. Por lo demás, los conflictos políticos entre los príncipes protestantes y los príncipes católicos entrañaban una lamentable confusión entre lo espiritual y lo temporal. Melanchton, portavoz de Lutero en las dietas y en los coloquios a los que el destierro de 1521 impedía al reformador aparecer en persona, llevado del deseo de reconciliar a los cristianos, aceptaba pasar en silencio los puntos de divergencia. La confesión de Augsburgo (1530) mencionaba la posibilidad de un compromiso. En Ratisbona, en 1541, Melanchton llega a un acuerdo con el legado Contarini sobre la justificación, aceptando el sinergismo (participación del cristiano en su salvación por medio de sus obras). Por su parte, los sacramentarios se dividían: algunos, entre ellos Bucer, aceptaban la doctrina luterana sobre la Eucaristía (compromiso de Wittemberg, 1536), y otros seguían fieles al simbolismo de Zuinglio.

Pero una gran cantidad de fieles encontraba esta religión intelectualizada, un poco abstracta, incapaz de satisfacer las necesidades espirituales. Un francés, Guillaume Farel (1489-1565), antiguo discípulo de Lefevbre d’Etaples, buscaba un nuevo camino, y predicaba, en Neuchâtel primero y en Ginebra después, una versión del luteranismo que concedía bastante importancia a la asamblea de fieles, en la definición de la fe común y en la elección de los pastores. Consiguió convencer a las autoridades de Ginebra, que decidieron, en mayo de 1536 «vivir según el Evangelio y la Palabra de Dios». El fue quien pidió a Calvino, en julio de 1536, que iba camino de Estrasburgo, que se detuviera en la ciudad y le ayudara a construir en ella la Iglesia.

c) De 1536 a 1541, a través de diversas experiencias, aumenta el renombre de Calvino. Farel y Calvino tropiezan en seguida con una fuerte oposición en el seno de la burguesía y del Magistrado ginebrino. En efecto, al desear la independencia entre lu temporal y lo espiritual. Calvino quiere que la autoridad se dedique a hacer t r iunfar el evangelio. La Confesión de Fe de noviembre de 1536 debe ser jurada por los ciudadanos, pues en Cinebra existían católicos, humanistas liberales y reformados deseosos de conservar el libre examen. El conflicto madura y estalla en 1538, cuando el Magistrado prohíbe la excomunión. El 23 de abril se exilan los dos jefes de la Reforma: Farel se instala en Neuchâtel y Calvino es llamado por Bucer a Estrasburgo, donde le confía la atención a los exilados de lengua francesa. La segunda estancia en Estrasburgo termina la formación doctrinal de Calvino: redacta la segunda edición, aumentada con nuevas reflexiones, de la Institutio (agosto de 1539) y sobre todo, la traducción en francés, aparecida en 1541, que proporciona su gran difusión a la obra; precisa su pensamiento, tanto en relación con los católicos erasmianos (Epístola al cardenal Sadolet) como con las otras ramas de la Reforma (participación en la Dieta de Ratisbona en febrero de 1541); elabora su eclesiología inspirándose en el modelo estraburgués. Cuando los ginebrinos le vuelven a llamar en 1541, ya ha adquirido una reputación sin igual. Al cabo de algunos años, Ginebra se convertirá en la Nueva Roma, cosa que Wittemberg no llegó a ser nunca. Pero el éxito del calvinismo hay que buscarlo en su propia solidez doctrinal.

La ortodoxia calvinista

a) Calvino parte de la necesidad de dar a la Reforma un cuerpo lógico de doctrina, sacando todas las conclusiones de las primeras afirmaciones fundamentales de Lutero: la impotencia del hombre, la gratuidad de la salvación y la primacía absoluta de la fe. Su obra, que integra las diferentes corrientes anteriores, asombra por su claridad didáctica, por el rigor del razonamiento, y por la solidez de las referencias a las Sagradas Escrituras. La base de todo el edificio es la oposición de la transcendencia divina y, la maldad humana. El Dios de Calvino es verdaderamente el Todopoderoso, el Incognoscible (en esto, Calvino sigue siendo occamista), cuya voluntad no se puede discutir. Es el Dios que exige el sacrificio de Isaac. En lo que se refiere al hombre, después de Adán, está completamente en desgracia. Para Lutero, la voluntad humana no puede más que hacer el mal, pero Calvino no quiere atribuirle toda la responsabilidad. También la razón humana está «pervertida» y es incapaz de «mantener el recto camino para buscar la Verdad». Al elevar así a Dios y rebajar la criatura, Calvino puede acentuar aún más el carácter gratuito y asombroso de la Gracia.

b) Dios nos habla mediante las Escrituras, que establecen así un vínculo. Como en el caso de todos los reformados, Calvino plantea la primacía de las Escrituras, que contienen todo lo que Dios nos quiere dar a conocer. Pero Calvino concede una atención muy especial al Antiguo Testamento. Cristo vino para completar la ley y no para aboliría: por consiguiente, hay que conservar completa la herencia de Moisés. Estas afirmaciünes están de acuerdo con el completo rechazo de todas las tradiciones humanas.

Dios nos justifica por su gracia. 

Lo mismo para Calvino que para Lutero, la fe es un puro don de Dios y está fundada en el sacrificio perfecto de Cristo, cuya resurrección es testimonio de verdad. Así se coloca al creyente en una confianza total en la Palabra de Dios, y la fe le da la voluntad de someterse a la ley. Pero la salvación sigue siendo gratuita, pues nuestra naturaleza permanece ir remediablemente inclinada al pecado, incluso después de la infusión de la gracia. Nuestra voluntad es sierva, por lo que merecemos la muerte eterna. Pero Dios predestina a la salvación, sin que podamos tener ninguna certeza ni satisfacer ninguna curiosidad. El fiel debe confiar en Dios y someterse a su juicio: «Para cada uno, su fe es suficiente testimonio de la predestinación eterna de Dios: de modo que sería un horrible sacrilegio intentar inquirir más» (Calvino, comentario de Juan, VI, 40). La doctrina de la predestinación no es nueva. Se encuentra en San Agustín y en Lutero, pero Calvino la sitúa en el primer plano (Tratado sobre la predestinación, 1552), no con la intención de inducir al fiel a la desesperación, sino para incitarlo a una total confianza en Dios. Pues para Calvino, el mismo hecho de recibir su Palabra es ya un signo de su Misericordia.

Dios nos ayuda por su Iglesia.

La verdadera Iglesia, conocida solamente por Dios, es la de los redimidos, pero la Iglesia terrestre ha sido instituida para consolar al fiel. Las oraciones, el culto y los sacramentos son otros tantos medios de rendir homenaje, de adorar la omnipotencia divina, de manifestar nuestro confiado abandono, de vivir mejor la vida de la fe. Así pues, la forma de la Iglesia no es indiferente puesto que está quer ida por Dios. Y Calvino la precisa, tanto en la ¡nstitutio, como en las famosas Disposiciones Eclesiásticas, adoptadas en Ginebra a partir de noviembre de 1541.

c) Si bien no existe el sacerdocio, en el sentido católico del término, sí existen los ministerios, dones del Espíritu Santo. Calvino distingue cuatro de entre ellos, a imitación de la Reforma Estrasburguesa: ministerio de la Palabra y de los sacramentos (pastores elegidos por sus semejantes y aprobados por el Magistrado y la comunidad), ministerio doctrinal (doctores formados con este fin, cuya tarea es precisar la interpretación de las Escrituras), ministerio de la caridad (diáconos, que deben «recibir, dispensar y conservar el bien de los pobres, cuidar a los enfermos y administrar alimentos a los pobres»), y ministerio de la corrección (ancianos que, junto con los pastores, forman el Consistorio, que vela sobre la vida de los fieles, los amonesta y los castiga). Organización muy fuerte, que contrasta con la diversidad de las iglesias luteranas, con el congregacionalismo de Farel (donde la comunidad era directamente juez en la elección de sus ministros y respecto a su adecuación para el cargo que reintroduce una disciplina muy estricta en el seno de una ortodoxia doctrinal muy firme.

Los sacramentos son instituidos por Dios para dar al fiel la fuerza de perseverar en la fe y la confianza en su elección, manifestada ya por el don de aquélla. Son algo más que una simple conmemoración (Calvino,en este caso, se encuentra más próximo a Lutero que n Zuinglio), pero no actúan más que si la fe está presente en el corazón del fiel (a la inversa de la doctrina católica, en la que actúan por su propia fuerza, «ex opere opéralo»), Calvino no admite más que dos sacramentos: el bautismo, que «nos ha sido dado por Dios, en primer lugar para servir a nuestra fe hacia él, y en segundo lugar para servir a nuestra confesión en relación con los hombres», y la comunión, que nos es dada como alimento espiritual, lo mismo que el padre nos da los bienes materiales necesarios para el cuerpo.

La posición de Calvino en relación con el problema central de la Eucaristía, que había opuesto profundamente a los discípulos de Lutero y a los de Zuinglio, es original. Lo mismo que Zuinglio, rechaza la ubicuidad material del cuerpo de Cristo: ya que se halla sentado a la derecha de) Padre, no puede estar presente en el pan y en el vino. Pero, como Lutero, acepta como verdad la fórmula evangélica: «Este es mi cuerpo, ésta es mi sangre.» En la comunión «participamos de la propia sustancia del cuerpo y la sangre de Jesucristo», pero esta participación es puramente espiritual, y las especies del pan y el vino tienen como fin «signar y confirmar esta promesa por la que Jesucristo nos dice que su carne es verdadero al imento y su sangre bebida por las que alcanzaremos la vida eterna». Esta comunión, por el misterio del Espíritu Santo, permite al fiel recibir realmente, no el cuerpo en el sentido material, sino la naturaleza humana de Cristo, con su fuerza y sus dones sobrenaturales que sustituyen nuestra debilidad. Presencia espiritual, que, como se recordará, en el caso de los hombres del siglo XVI , es inf initamente más «real» que la materialidad de los accidentes. Calvino supera así la disputa entre Roma, los luteranos y los sacraméntanos, que se aferraban a los elementos materiales del sacramento para no preocuparse más que de la comunión establecida entre Cristo y el fiel por la recepción de la comunión. Calvino recomienda recibir a menudo este alimento del alma sin inquietarse por una indignidad que es la propia condición del hombre, con confianza y deseo de vivir mejor. Solamente la Iglesia puede decidir la prohibición del acceso al sacramento de los fieles escandalizadores hasta su enmienda.

d) Desde 1541 hasta su muerte, en 1564, Calvino se esfuerza en defender esta ortodoxia que le parecía establecida sobre la misma Palabra de Dios, contra todo lo que pudiera amenazarla. En la propia Ginebra, su autoridad moral (no recibió el derecho de burgués hasta 1559 y no ocupó ningún cargo oficial) fue a menudo puesta en cuestión. El Magistrado, apoyado por una parte de la burguesía que encontraba muy duro el control del Consistorio sobre la vida pr ivada de los ciudadanos, tendía a reforzar su influencia sobre la Iglesia y rehusaba a los pastores el derecho de excomulgar a los fieles sin su permiso. El aflujo de refugiados franceses desarrollaba los sentimientos de xenofobia. Al tener mayoría de partidarios en los consejos posteriores a 1554, Calvino pudo consagrarse completamente a la Iglesia. Con ayuda de profesores de la Academia de Lausana, entre los cuales se encontraba Teodoro de Béze (1519-1605), creó, en 1559, la Academia de Ginebra, que se convirtió rápidamente en seminario internacional del calvinismo.

Calvino hizo que se exiliasen sus contradictores: el humanista Castellion en 1544 y el pastor Bolsee, que rechazaba la predestinación, en 1551. En 1533 hizo condenar a Miguel Servet, que negaba el dogma de la Trinidad, por fidelidad al Antiguo Testamento y la preocupación de preservar la Unidad de lo Divino. En sus cartas y en sus tratados exhor taba a los reformados de todos los países a af irmar su fe, a rechazar los compromisos con el catolicismo mayoritario (Epístola a los Nicodemitas, 1544) y ayudaba a la construcción de Iglesias reformadas en Francia, en Escocia y en los Países Bajos. Cont inuaba polemizando con los representantes de las otras corrientes del protestantismo para defender sus concepciones. En lo referente al problema de la comunión, aceptó en 1549 un compromiso con la iglesia de Zurich y su guarnición Bullinger: el Consensus tígurinus. que mantenía el carácter simbólico de la comunión al mismo tiempo que subrayaba la realidad de la presencia espiritual de Cristo. Este texto tuvo como consecuencia unir más estrechamente entre ellas a las iglesias suizas, a costa de chocar con los luteranos. Calvino tuvo que defender sus fórmulas contra el pastor Westphal en 1555. Murió en plena actividad, convencido de haber respondido plenamente a lo que Dios quería de él, el 27 de mayo de 1564. En esta fecha, el calvinismo había llegado ya a numerosos países y conquistado numerosos fieles.

Primeras conquistas del calvinismo

El éxito del calvinismo fue producto de la universalidad de una doctrina lógica y armoniosa y del dinamismo de una eclesiología que respondía a las necesidades de orden y encuadramiento de la mayor parte de los fieles. Pero las comunidades así formadas se pueden distinguir por algunos matices.

a) En Francia y en los Países Bajos, la propagación del calvinismo fue precoz, y su éxito, rápido. En efecto, en estas dos regiones, hacia 1540, el evangelismo se encontraba desorientado. El carácter germánico y estatista del luteranismo, la adustez del sacramentarismo y los excesos de los anabapt istas f renaban los progresos de la Reforma. En todas partes, la mayoría católica obligaba al Estado a perseguir a los herejes, y se hacía sentir la ausencia de una Iglesia organizada. A todos los que eran cautivados por las nuevas ideas, Calvino les daba lo que deseaban. Desde Ginebra, por medio de sus cartas aconsejaba a las comunidades, y proporcionaba los cuadros necesarios mediante el envío de pastores bien formados. En 1542, el Breve sumario de la fe cristiana, impreso por Etienne Dolet, tiene un acento calvinista; a par tir de 1543, Pierre Brully, pastor de la iglesia francesa de Estrasburgo, predica en Tournai y en Valencienes. Y es a los franceses a quienes dirige la Carta a los Nicodemitas que exhorta a los fieles a abandonar francamente la iglesia romana. En 1556, Guy de Brés funda en Lille la primera «iglesia erigida», sobre el modelo ginebrino. En los años siguientes se organizan numerosas comunidades en el Flandes francés, en Amberes y, pronto, en Holanda y Zelanda. En Francia, los reformados de la capital eligen en 1555 un pastor y forman un consistorio. Cuatro años más tarde, hay 34 iglesias erigidas e innumerables comunidades pequeñas; en 1561 se cuentan más de 670 iglesias.

Estas iglesias nacionales poseen una confesión de fe y una disciplina. En el caso de Francia, en el pr imer sínodo nacional, que tuvo lugar en París clandestinamente del 26 al 28 de mayo de 1559, estaban representadas 72 iglesias y participaron en él los enviados de Calvino. La Confesión, en 40 artículos, recoge lo esencial del pensamiento del reformador de Ginebra. Pero se deja sitio también a los símbolos de Nicea y de Atanasio, mientras que Calvino no reconocía conformes a las Escrituras más que los de los Apóstoles. Las iglesias locales se organizan según el modelo ginebrino: los pastores son elegidos por los consistorios (ancianos y pastores). Los sínodos provinciales y nacionales aseguran la comunidad de la fe. Desde el coloquio de Poissy (septiembre-octubre de 1561), el calvinismo representa la Reforma francesa. En los Países Bajos, en 1561-62, la Iglesia valona y flamenca aceptan la Confessio bélgica. Ahí también se conserva estrictamente la ortodoxia calvinista. Por el contrario, la disciplina deja mayor iniciativa a los fieles, pues es su asamblea, y no el consistorio, quien elige ministros, diáconos y pastores.

Organizadas así y apoyadas desde el exterior, las Iglesias reformadas de Francia y de los Países Bajos, a pesar de las persecuciones, progresan rápidamente en los años sucesivos. Más adelante haremos referencia a su historia política.

b) El calvinismo estuvo también a punto de triunfar en las Islas Británicas después de la muerte de Enrique VIII en Inglaterra y bajo la regencia de María de Guisa en Escocia. Mientras el primer calvinista escocés, Georges Wishart, era ejecutado en 1546, el movimiento reformador, frenado por el rey en sus últimos años, recibía en Inglaterra el refuerzo de numerosos emigrados continentales: Pierre Martyr Vermigli y Bernard Ochino, humanistas italianos adheridos a la Reforma, que huían de la Inquisición; Bucer, obligado a abandonar Estrasburgo después de su rechazo a suscribir el Interim de Augsburgo y que enseñó en Cambridge hasta su muerte en 1551. Las ideas calvinistas influían sobre las posiciones del primado Cranmer y de Hugh Latimer e inspiraban algunos actos del Protector encargado de gobernar el reino, al no tener el nuevo soberano, Eduardo VI, más que nueve años. Somerset estableció así una nueva liturgia, totalmente en inglés (Book of Common Prayer, de 1549 y luego de 1552, más claramente alejada del oficio romano y subrayando bien el carácter no sacrificial del culto). Una comisión de teólogos prepara una confesión de fe, aprobada por el joven rey el 12 de junio de 1553. Al mantener una Iglesia de Estado, jerarquizada y sometida al poder temporal, adopta las principales tesis calvinistas.

Un escocés, John Knox (1505-1572), depor tado en 1547 por sus ideas religiosas e instalado en Inglaterra, había aconsejado a Somerset y a Eduardo VI. Expulsado de Inglaterra por el advenimiento de María Tudor, recorre Francia, pasa por Ginebra y organiza una iglesia en Frankfurt para los refugiados ingleses, en la que introduce un estricto calvinismo. La rebelión de los escoceses contra la regente María de Guisa le permite volver a su patria en 1559. Propone las medidas adoptadas por el Parlamento en agosto de 1560 (abolición de la jurisdicción romana, supresión de la misa) y redacta la Confesión de la Iglesia de Escocia, aprobada el mismo año por las iglesias del reino. En ella, la or todoxia calvinista es muy estricta, pero la organización de la iglesia es diferente. Para cada Iglesia local, el consistorio está formado por pastores y ancianos, y faltan los otros dos ministerios, doctores y diáconos. La elección de los pastores se remite a la congregación de fieles, sin influencia exterior. A escala nacional, una asamblea agrupa a los delegados de todas las eglesias locales. A ella compite definir la disciplina y hacerla respetar. Rápidamente, la «Kirk», aprovechándose de la debilidad y el descrédito de la joven feina María Estuardo, y de la minoría de edad de Jacobo VI, refuerza su Influencia en la vida del país. Imprime al protestantismo presbiteriano un marcado carácter de austeridad. Pero la Iglesia calvinista triunfa en Escocia cuando la Inglaterra de Isabel, olvidando la reacción del reino de María Tudor, opta por la vía media.

c) En Europa central y oriental, el calvinismo chocaba con las iglesias luteranas establecidas por los príncipes. Las fórmulas ginebrinas tentaron algunos espíritus — lo suficiente para que el pastor Westphal los criticase y atacase el Consensus tigurinus— , pero la única manera de fundar una iglesia calvinista era por medio de la conversión de los soberanos. Así, al adoptar el calvinismo, el Elector palatino Federico I II, en 1559, huce de su Estado renano un nuevo centro de difusión de la doctrina. El Catecismo de Heidelberg, preparado por dos teólogos (1563), se convierte, en la segunda mitad del siglo, en el texto de referencia del calvinismo europeo. Al integrar a la ortodoxia calvinista los valores reales  negativa (predestinación a la condenación, que parecía escandalosa viniendo del Dios de Amor) y recoge, sobre la naturaleza de la comunión, el compromiso del Consensus de Zurich. A par tir de 1556 es adoptado por la iglesia de Holanda, luego por las iglesias suizas después de la muerte de Calvino y, finalmente, por los Estados alemanes, que se alinean, por voluntad de sus soberanos, junto al calvinismo (Nassau en 1578 y Bremen en 1580).

La influencia calvinista se manifiesta, igualmente y al mismo tiempo,contra el catolicismo y el luteranismo, en Hungría, en Bohemia y en Polonia. En este último país, Laski (m. 1560) intenta hacer la síntesis doctrinal de las diferentes corrientes reformadas, organizando la iglesia local sobre el modelo ginebrino. La diversidad de las posiciones era tal que el rey Segismundo Augusto II y la dieta, en 1556, proclamaron la tolerancia, al menos con respecto a los nobles y las ciudades, por la afirmación del principio «Cujus regio, ejus religio». Durante toda la segunda mitad del siglo reinó en el país una verdadera tolerancia, única en Europa. Ella permitió el desarrollo de corrientes heterodoxas como el anti-trinitarismo sociniano.

Traducción de Dolores Fonseca en "Historia Moderna" publicación de Ediciones Akal, Madrid, España, 1998, pp.118-126, Títulos originales: Le XVIe siécle. Autores: B. Bennassar, J. Jacquart, Le XVIIe siécle. Autor: F. Lebrun, Le XVIIIe siécle. Autores: M. Denis, N. Blayau, Librairie Armand Colin, Paris. Digitación, adaptación y ilustración de Leopoldo Costa.

THE FIRST AMERICAN FARMERS

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Agriculture of Incas
America’s first farmers domesticated a number of crops. These crops were well suited to the land on which they lived.

Mesoamerica

Some of the earliest American farmers lived in the central part of what is now Mexico. Beginning in 8000–7000 B.C. they began to plant and harvest bottle gourds and pumpkins. Three to four thousand years later the crops that farmers in the Tehuacán Valley grew included corn, three types of beans, chili peppers, avocados, two kinds of squash, and amaranth (a plant grown for its seeds). Later they began to cultivate sunflowers and then manioc, a root crop first domesticated in the Amazon River Basin. In the centuries before the Spaniards arrived, they became full-time farmers and had begun to grow more varieties of beans and squash as well as tobacco.

The first Europeans to see and taste the crops the Mesoamerican farmers grew were astonished by the amount and variety of the food that Indians grew. They took seeds and plants to Europe and to their Asian and African colonies.

South America

At about the same time that ancient people living in what is now Mexico domesticated crops, American Indians living in what is now the central part of the Andes in Peru discovered how to farm too. Their efforts focused on quinoa and tubers. Potatoes are the bestknown tubers.

These farmers began planting and harvesting potatoes about 10,000 years ago. They developed many different varieties of potatoes and grew sweet potatoes as well. They also domesticated three other tubers: oca, mashua, and ullucu. These plants are still eaten by the people of the Andes, but Europeans did not adopt them.

In addition to domesticating plants for food, the people of the Andes also began herding and domesticating llama as a source of food. They started raising cuy, or guinea pigs, for meat as well. South American farmers who lived in the Amazon River Basin domesticated manioc, or cassava. This root crop provides maximum food energy with very little labor on the part of farmers.

North America

Indians living in the Northeast and Southeast of what is now the United States independently began cultivating goosefoot, marsh elder or sumpweed, and sunflowers. They also domesticated erect knotweed, little barley, and maygrass—all seed-producing grasses.

These crops, except for sunflowers, are relatively unknown to most people today. They once provided a balanced diet for American Indian people. Because these plants produced many seeds, five people could harvest a 200-square-foot field, planted equally with marsh elder, or sumpweed, and chenopod in a little more than a week. A field this size provided half the food needed by 10 people for six months. By about 4,000 years ago American Indians living in the river valleys of what are now Tennessee, Arkansas, Illinois, Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri, and Alabama had also domesticated squash and bottle gourds.

Corn seeds were first introduced to these farmers in about A.D. 200, but corn did not become a major crop for them until about A.D. 800.

HOW THE FIRST FARMERS GREW CROPS

Before they could harvest crops, American Indian farmers needed to clear the land, till the soil, and plant seeds.

Clearing the Land

Indian farmers chose land where few large trees grew. Next they cut down the small trees and brush with stone axes, evenly spreading them across the earth that was to become a field. This method of clearing land is called milpa, swidden, or slash-and-burn agriculture. It is still practiced by indigenous farmers in parts of Mexico and South America.

American Indians discovered that if they cut a strip of bark from around the trunk of larger trees, those trees would die within one to three years. Removing the bark from around the tree prevented the food that the tree made in its leaves from reaching the roots. These Indians usually cleared land in the spring because this was easiest and most effective time to remove the tree bark.

Once the large trees had died, Indian farmers could more easily cut them down or burn them where they stood. This method of controlling trees is called tree girdling. Today it is still used by organic farmers and landscapers, who do not want to use chemicals to remove trees from their land.

When the branches and brush that the farmers cleared had dried, they set fire to them. The ashes that remained after the fire reduced soil acidity. Burning also added magnesium, calcium, potash, and phosphorus to the soil. Proper balance of these minerals is important to plant growth. In addition, burning increased nitrogen in the soil. Nitrogen is necessary to grow healthy bean plants. Rather than planting the newly cleared plots of land right away, most farmers waited a year or two before growing crops on them.

American Indians understood that the nutrients in the earth were used up by constant planting, so after two or three seasons of growing crops on one field, they cleared new fields. In the Northeast, Huron farmers’ fields typically yielded about 25 to 30 bushels of corn an acre. When yields dropped to a third of that, they cleared new plots. Every 10 to 12 years they relocated their villages. In Mesoamerica, Maya farmers let their fields lie unused from 15 to 40 years before using them again.

Europeans, eager to use the fields that the Indians had cleared, drove them from their farms, permanently relocating them to land that in many cases was unsuitable for farming.

Tilling the Soil

After they had cleared their plots (small fields), American Indian farmers used digging sticks or foot plows to loosen the soil and break it into fine pieces for planting. Archaeologists believe that the people who lived in what is now Peru were the first to use foot plows to till the soil about 10,000 years ago.

Using foot plows, Native farmers were able to plant enough crops to feed people who lived in some of the most populous cities in the world. Tenochtitlán, the capital of the Aztec Empire, had more inhabitants than Paris did at the time when the Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés first saw it in 1519. In the Andes Mountains, ancient Indian farmers made 1.5 million acres of fields. Their small plots of land added up to a great deal of farming.

Farmers of the Americas did not use wedge-shaped plows that were pulled by draft animals until after contact with Europeans. Foot plows were more suited to their environment since no animals native to the Americans could easily be trained to pull such a plow. America’s first farmers invented very efficient ways to raise food on the land that they had cleared. These methods were very different from those in many other parts of the world, where crops were planted in rows.

Planting the Crops

Rather than planting seeds in rows, American Indian farmers grew several types of plants together in small plots. Indians either planted several types of plants in the same small hill or grouped them together in flat fields. Planting several types of crops together increased the amount of food a farmer could grow in a small plot. It also helped the plants to grow because they helped each other. This is now known as “companion planting.”

Northeast farmers often planted corn, beans, and squash in the same hill. Corn stalks provided a place for the bean runners to climb. Bacteria that grew on the roots of the bean plants stored nitrogen from the air,releasing some of it to the soil. Corn, like beans, needs large amounts of nitrogen in order to prosper.

The tall corn stalks shaded the squash plants that covered the ground. In turn, the broad, low leaves of the squash plants kept the ground from drying out too quickly. Because squash plants fought with weeds for space, sunlight, and nourishment from the soil, American Indian farmers had less weeding to do. Companion planting also helped control insects. Beans and squash attract insects that eat the pests that target and destroy corn.

Native farmers of the desert Southwest did not do much companion planting. Instead they developed bush beans that did not climb by sending out runners and so did not need corn stalks to support them. Plants in the desert need to be spaced far enough apart so that they do not compete for moisture. Desert farmers of the Southwest found another way to control insects as well. They kept squash bugs from destroying their plants by sprinkling ashes on the leaves.

Today Maya farmers in Mesoamerica continue to use companion planting as their ancestors did. Sometimes they grow as many as 60 to 80 kinds of crops in one plot. Even tiny plots contain a dozen or more types of plants.

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MODERN USES FOR ANCIENT CROPS

Today scientists concerned about world hunger are taking a second look at American Indian crops that are not widely grown or known throughout the world. Some think that plants such as oca, mashua, and ullucu could help solve the hunger problem if farmers around the globe began to grow them. The contributions of American Indian farmers to the world’s people may be beginning anew as these ancient crops are used for food.

BOTTLE GOURDS

Bottle gourds have tough skins and very little flesh. The gourds range from light to dark green in color. From four to 40 inches long, they grow on climbing vines. They are sturdy, fast-growing plants. American Indians dried bottle gourds and used them for eating and cooking utensils, canteens, rattles and whistles. Eastern Woodland Indians sometimes hung gourds on poles in their fields to serve as homes for insect-eating birds.

MILPA TODAY

Today milpa is still practiced in Mesoamerica and in South America’s Amazon River Basin, but this is changing. Population growth and the pressure to make more money have forced Native farmers to shorten fallow (nongrowing) periods and sometimes abandon them. Big multinational businesses are urging indigenous farmers to clear huge tracts of land in order to raise cattle. Many scientists are concerned that this is disturbing the delicate ecological balance of the rain forest.

FOOT PLOWS

American Indian farmers made a foot plow from a wooden pole about six feet long with a two-inch diameter. They sharpened the end that was used to till the soil to a point. Then they heated the pole over a fire to harden it. Finally they attached a little platform for a footrest about 12 inches from the bottom of the plow. Farmers broke the soil for planting by stepping on the footrest.

THE THREE SISTERS

People of some tribes called corn, beans, and squash the three sisters. Not only did these three food plants help each other to grow when they were planted together, they provided excellent nutrition. Together the amino acids in corn and beans provide a complete protein, something neither food does on its own. The vitamins in squash, including beta-carotene and vitamin C, work together with those provided by the other sister vegetables.

By Emory Dean Keoke & Kay Marie Porterfield in "Food, Farming, and Hunting", Facts On File, Inc., New York, 2005, excerpts pp.48-53. Adapted and illustrated to be posted byu Leopoldo Costa. 

VIRGINITY, CELIBACY, CHASTITY

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This chapter asks why Christianity values virginity (Section 11.1). It examines a particular form of virginity, “virginity for the sake of the Kingdom.” While the conventional arguments for this state may no longer convince, better and more contemporary theological reasons are suggested. Surprising help from a secular source commending virginity, is gratefully utilized (Section 11.2). A similar approach is taken to celibacy, in which unconvincing and more convincing reasons are laid out and compared (Section 11.3). Then chastity is defined, enlarged and further commended in Section 11.4.

11.1 Valuing Virginity?

In this chapter we will be thinking about virginity, celibacy, and chastity. There are subtle differences and shadings of meanings between these terms, so here are some definitions:

One could say there appear to be two ways virginity comes to matter in contemporary Christian sexual thought. First, since there is officially no having sex before marriage, virginity remains the ideal from which Christians enter marriage. Second, virginity is a state of devotion to God and to the service of God free from the distractions of devotion to a spouse. This is “virginity for the sake of the Kingdom.”

It seems that celibacy and virginity for the sake of the Kingdom are the same thing. According to this definition celibacy is a lifelong state of the person. It is recognized as a divine gift rather than a mere human life-choice, and it is undertaken for the deepest of religious reasons, a vocation from God.

Losing one’s virginity 

Deeply rooted in vernacular discussion about having sex for the first time, is the phrase “losing one’s virginity.” It does not take much thought to realize that that phrase belongs to an age when a woman’s virginity was more highly prized, so that its loss was potentially ruinous for a woman’s reputation. Terms like “slag” and “slut” still become attached to sexually experienced young women, however unfairly, and these terms indicate the survival of a double standard. No such opprobrium attends the first sexual experience of a man, whose “conquest” would be likely to form the subject of banter and boasting. But losing one’s virginity may no longer carry the same sense of loss that it did until recently, and this loss of meaning of the loss of virginity may itself be a grave social, as well as personal, loss. If indeed that is so, it is important to say why, and that involves weighing up various beliefs and assumptions about virginity.

Like angels? 

There is little doubt that the ancient world expected the great majority of women to reproduce, and to start the dangerous business of bringing children into the world as soon as they were physically able. Some Christians however were more concerned with anticipating the world to come, when they would be as angels. Virginity was better, not least because it guaranteed release from the endless cycle of birth, sex, child-rearing, and death, and, when it was preserved it earned respect from a surprised populace. But that was not its only reward. As Peter Brown explains,

"It was left to Christian treatises on virginity to speak in public on the physical state of the married woman – on their danger in childbirth, on the pain in their breasts during suckling, on their exposure to children’s infections, on the terrible shame of infertility, and on the humiliation of being replaced by servants in their husbands’ affections" (Brown, 1988, p. 25).

Over centuries the contrast between virginity and marriage was explained by means of the physical, spiritual, and theological superiority of the former. Darker justifications for remaining virginal became central within Christian doctrine (Ranke-Heinemann, 1992, pp. 119–135; Wiesner-Hanks, 2000, pp. 28–34). A late letter of the New Testament blames Eve for bringing sin into the world adding that women may be saved through childbearing (1 Tim. 2:14–15). That indeed was the lot of the many, while for a few the path to salvation lay not in childbearing, but in the renunciation of all sexual activity. The identification of Eve as a temptress, and the association of all sexual activities with sin, led too easily to a male suspicion of women that in turn sometimes led to outright misogyny.

“Clogged up” virgins 

Here then are two theological reasons for valuing virginity that are not generally to be heard on the lips of contemporary advocates of that state: that by refraining from having sex one is anticipating the next life; or that one is avoiding the inevitable religious contamination that is caught in sexual contact.

While Christians, for different reasons, valued virginity, the classical medical profession, through to the eighteenth century, took a more negative view of it. Anke Bernau (2007, p. 12) explains, “As a female virgin did not experience intercourse and orgasm, her unspilled ‘seed’ built up in her body, with harmful consequences.” Doctors at least from the early modern period to the 1930s believed that the lack of sexual experience in young women caused the disease of chlorosis, or “greensickness” (King, 2004). Early marriage was advised, not simply to avoid extra-marital pregnancy, but to avoid the state of “the clogged up virgin” (Bernau, 2007, p. 18).

Vigorous rubbing 

The Christian saint and Doctor of the Church Albertus Magnus (d. 1280), was aware of this problem, and that a vigorous rubbing was a practical way of dealing with it:

"Certain girls around fourteen years old cannot be satisfied by intercourse. And then, if they do not have a man, they feel in their minds intercourse with a man and often imagine men’s private parts, and often rub themselves strongly with their fingers or with other instruments until, the vessels having been relaxed through the heat of rubbing and coitus, the spermatic humour exits, with which the heat exits, and then their groins are rendered temperate and then become more chaste." (Cadden, 1996; in Bernau, 2007, p. 18)

It is easy to imagine a clash between religious reasons for remaining a virgin as long as possible and medical reasons for not remaining a virgin for long.

Young women in many cultures have long been accustomed to huge social pressures to prove their virginity by having an intact hymen prior to their wedding night. Scandalously, in some religious groups and societies, this pressure shows little sign of receding. An Internet search under, say “hymen restoration,” “hymenoplasty,” or “hymen repair” reveals scores of agencies prepared to carry out the required work at a price. Apparently the provision of fake or “reconstructed hymens” or cosmetic vaginal surgery is meeting a growing social need (Bernau, 2007, pp. 25–29).

Protestant mainline Churches generally teach that sex before marriage is wrong, but the language they use is generally equivocal, and there is often an absence of theological reasons in support of their teaching. For example, the Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church of the USA teaches that “Although all persons are sexual beings whether or not they are married, sexual relations are only clearly affirmed in the marriage bond” (United Methodist Church, 2004).

There then follows a condemnation of “exploitative, abusive, or promiscuous” behavior, inside and outside marriage, but it is not said whether consensual sexual relations outside the marriage bond can also be affirmed, albeit less “clearly” than sexual relations within it. There is almost deliberate and open ambiguity about the matter which doubtless reflects the diverse practices of its younger members.

There are two issues to consider here aside from the understandable ambiguity of these statements. Is virginity valued only as an important prelude to the normative state of marriage? If so what are the theological reasons for this, especially since desire for the angelic life or the idea that the taint of sin attaches to sexual contact, are not obviously Methodist themes? Or can virginity be valued and “clearly affirmed” as an alternative style of Christian life and service? In order to find theological reasons for valuing virginity it is necessary to examine virginity “for the sake of the Kingdom.”

11.2 Virginity “for the Sake of the Kingdom”

Perhaps only in the Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches is there much of any remaining sense of the overt religious value of virginity. Here it is still able to symbolize mastery over the body and its passions in the service of God, or anticipation of that heavenly state where there is no longer any marriage. The Orthodox Church in America calls themonastic life “the angelic way,” and says it is “to be defended, protected and promoted in witness to life in God’s coming kingdom where all holy men and women will be ‘like angels in heaven’ (Matthew 22:30)” (OCA, n.d.). In these cases, virginity belongs to a special vocation, which the great majority of Christians do not receive. For such people, the Catholic Catechism explains

"From the very beginning of the Church there have been men and women who have renounced the great good of marriage to follow the Lamb wherever he goes, to be intent on the things of the Lord, to seek to please him, and to go out to meet the Bridegroom who is coming". (Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1994, para. 1618)

"Virginity for the sake of the Kingdom of heaven is an unfolding of baptismal grace, a powerful sign of the supremacy of the bond with Christ and of the ardent expectation of his return, a sign which also recalls that marriage is a reality of this present age which is passing away." (Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1994, para. 1619)

Defiling themselves with women? 

First, the vision of heaven in Revelation 22 (to which this passage refers) describes 144,000 men (not men and women) and identifies them as “those who did not defile themselves with women, for they kept themselves pure. They follow the Lamb wherever he goes. They were purchased from among men and offered as first fruits to God and the Lamb” (Rev. 22:4). The Catholic Church clearly associates virginity for the sake of the Kingdom with the vanguard of elite male Christians in heaven.

Second, Matthew’s Gospel records a parable of Jesus known as “The Parable of the Ten Virgins.” They were waiting for a bridegroom who “was a long time in coming” (Matt. 25:5). “At midnight the cry rang out: ‘Here’s the bridegroom! Come out to meet him!’” (Matt. 25:6). The Vatican links Christians who renounce sex and devote themselves to God with those who are regarded as betrothed instead to Christ, the spiritual Bridegroom who will come again and whom consecrated virgins eagerly await. Again in Revelation, “the new Jerusalem” is “prepared as a bride beautifully dressed for her husband,” Jesus Christ (Rev. 21:2).

Third, the comparison of virginity with marriage makes clear that while marriage is an earthly institution, which is passing away, the virginal state is eternal.

There seem to be several difficulties with the rationale for celibacy given above.

11.2.1 Four bad reasons for being a virgin

First, the detail that the privileged males in heaven are rewarded because they “did not defile themselves with women,” and “kept themselves pure,” expresses the ancient and derogatory, gendered, male view of women. Surely it has no place in contemporary Christianity, does it? The view that contact with women contaminates the male person in soul and body is sexist, if not misogynist. And of course it is about male virginity only.

Second, the Parable of the Ten Virgins awaiting a Bridegroom does not appear to be about either virginity or marriage. It is about waiting, about the Disciples of Christ being prepared and alert, for the return of the Messiah, personified as One who is already spiritually betrothed to His followers who are collectively His bride. The ideas of virginity and marriage are used to signify something else. The virgins are in any case bridesmaids, not brides.

Third, there are a growing number of married Christian couples who, together, consecrate themselves “for the sake of the Kingdom” (Stanton, 2002). That total dedication of the whole person to the work of God does not preclude married couples together dedicating themselves to that work.

Fourth, the thought that being a virgin is a reminder that the state of marriage is “passing away” sounds pessimistic. Attention is not drawn to the contrasting differences between the two states, but to the eternal value of one, and to the temporal value of the other. One wonders whether these judgments about virginity for the sake of the Kingdom, and about marriage, actually correspond with the real judgments of virginal and married people?

This pessimism with regard to marriage also lies uneasily at variance with the doctrine that marriage is “a very great good” and a sacrament. Every thought we entertain about the next life has to be by means of pictures drawn from this life. While our lives might anticipate the next life in some way, we do not know what that life will be like. Paul clearly acknowledges this (1 Cor. 2:9). Does Catholic teaching mean that husbands and wives will no longer be, or recognize, themselves as husbands and wives in the life to come?

That is the Catholic teaching, which sits oddly with the teaching of Jesus about the “one flesh” of marriage. That teaching is based on a reply of Jesus to a trick question about the resurrection of the dead. He says “When the dead rise, they will neither marry nor be given in marriage; they will be like the angels in heaven” (Mark 12:25). But the teaching does not follow from Christ’s saying, and the Orthodox Churches do not understand it in this way. The saying may indicate only that the practice of marrying will not take place in the hereafter; not that the married in this life will be unmarried in the next.

While there are difficulties associated with the value placed on virginity for the sake of the Kingdom, credit must surely be given for offering theological reasons, at all. Perhaps better theological reasons can be found than those in the Catechism for being and remaining a virgin, whether or not for the sake of the Kingdom? Perhaps virginity can be positively celebrated, and commended to people who have not received the vocation to fulltime Christian work? In order to explore this possibility, we will first examine a purely secular account of virginity; then a theological account from a religious Sister; then draw some conclusions for ourselves.

11.2.2 The cult of the born-again virgin

People of faith may be encouraged to see that within the secular world there is a backlash against the normative expectation of teens and twenties having lots of sex, whatever the consequences. An example of the genre is Wendy Keller’s The Cult of the Born-Again Virgin (1999). This author, neither born-again nor a virgin, loads the title of her book with religious overtones because she advocates a transforming personal conversion from having frequent sexual relationships to an alternative state in which women refrain from sexual contact that turns out to be unfulfilling and harmful. Women testify to getting off “the hamster wheel of dating and sex and relationships,” and rejoicing in their “readmission to virginity” (1999, p. xxiii). There are lists, running to five pages, of benefits accruing to women who become Born Again Virgins, “BAVs.” Here are just a few. Under the heading, “Personal Growth”, the reasons for becoming a BAV (even for a short time!) include:

To nurture yourself
To restore a sense of dignity and elegance
To breathe deeply and learn new ways of interacting
To cultivate more power over your thoughts
To stand up for yourself...
To cultivate a sense of personal dignity
To enhance self-control
To enhance self-esteem ...
To re-establish your identity in the world ...(pp. 11–12)

Under the heading “Relationships”, the reasons for and benefits from becoming a BAV include:

To be peacefully single
To attract and marry the “right” man
To grieve lost loves
To heal from divorce
To repair a broken heart
To break the bonds of dependency on men
To develop relationships with women friends
To develop closer bonds with your child(ren)
To care for an aging parent
To get off the dating fast track
To prepare for your next relationship
To stop playing games. (pp. 12–13)

Finally, why do all this?

One of the primary benefits women experience when reclaiming their sexual natures appears to be the accompanying sense of self-love and self-esteem. Self-love is critical before we can love others, and reclaiming our sexuality is for some women a way of increasing their own sense of self-control and self-respect.

One of the remarkable benefits and transcendent qualities for women so inclined is the development of purer attitudes of service and dedication to loftier goals. Some women find themselves coming into alignment with higher spiritual values as a result of their decision not to have sex (Keller, 1999, p. 116).

Christians have better reasons for affirming virginity. Not only are their reasons for temperate sexual behavior rooted in faith and doctrine, their understanding of self-love is always balanced by love of neighbor, and this requirement does not admit of either use or abuse of another person as an object.

The Born-Again Virgin has little to teach sexual minorities, for it addresses only standard heterosexual arrangements for meeting up (now that the practice of courtship has virtually ceased).While it appears as a feminist book, feminists are likely to find it wanting in analysis of the historical and social conditions that have given rise to a veritable sexual anarchy.

The value of the book for Christian ethics is to indicate to Christians, that, outside Christian morality, a strong case can be made for sexual restraint, from which Christians can learn. The serviceable reasons solemnly listed for being a BAV can be grounded in deeper, time-honored ways of honoring God by honoring the body. In this way, the practice of virginity really is a sign, an embodied way of living that points to alternative performances of sexuality.

11.3 In Praise of Restraint

We have already noted how sexual desire, a gift of God, is easily intensified into lust and endlessly stimulated by social and cultural pressures on us. Desire is artificially stimulated. Our culture includes, for example, the popular musical styles of the day; fashionable clothes; discos; night clubs; lap-dancing clubs; erotic entertainment; TV soaps; the cult of celebrity; the ubiquitous presence of porn on the internet; the use of stereotypical (¼ “sexy”) female bodies and muscular male hunks in advertising, and so on.

A terrifying consequence of immersion in this cultural atmosphere is the temptation of many young women and men to internalize, to slide uncritically into, and to adopt the roles of sex marauder and sex object respectively. It becomes too easy to opt into the socially approved roles of predator and predated, where (at least in straight dating arrangements) men are interested more in screwing women than loving them, and women present themselves as they think men want them. The latest fashion is just another way of concealing, while at the same time enabling, their public presence as sex objects worthy of male attention.

The love commandments 

Once these pressures are recognized and unmasked, the possibility of being a non-conformist in relation to them becomes positively attractive, and celibacy is a positive way of non-conformity. Having a faith becomes an essential aid in the forging of a lifestyle that, like that of the first Christians, is consciously counter-cultural. Looking back over earlier themes in this book, perhaps the first ingredient of an alternative sexual culture is to be found embedded in the foundation of all Christian morality, the commandments of Jesus to all His disciples, to “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength,” and to “Love your neighbor as yourself ” (Mark 12:29–31).

This second of the Great Commandments makes clear that the foundation of all morality, including sexual morality, is love. Any sexual partner we ever have is also, in Christian faith, a neighbor whom we are to love as we love ourselves.

This second commandment is the more intelligible when we have a very high estimation of ourselves and of our great worth as persons. Christians have not always been good at saying this. The emphasis on sin has too readily led to a loss of self-esteem and self-regard which makes self-love difficult, if not impossible. But self-love can express itself in strong positive self-regard, which differs much from an attitude of selfishness, or of disregard of the needs and interests of others, or of narcissism, which becomes a preoccupation of oneself with one’s life, one’s body, one’s career, one’s success, almost at any price. These considerations about basic attitudes to ourselves and to our partners should by themselves be sufficient, not to justify never having sex, but to justify never having sex without many conditions first being satisfied.

One of these is self-respect. While this is a secular value in its own right, in Christian thought it is rooted in appropriate self-love. Another belief that constrains casual sex is the identification of the body of a Christian with the Body of Christ. While we will not be convinced by the ancient physiology of what happens when we have sex, the self-understanding of believers as parts of the mystical Body of Christ is surely illuminating.

A Christian understanding of children ranks high in the determination of Christians to confine the possibility of conceiving children to a permanent relationship between parents, which embraces any children they have. When we looked at Aquinas’ teaching on the evil of fornication, I strongly suggested he was right to emphasize the wrongness of fornication as a sin against any children conceived by it (though I also thought his condemnation of all sexual pleasure was daft). Children deserve to be permanently loved by both their parents. All churches teach that children are “gifts of God.” Their conception should be an occasion of joy, not regret, and especially not regret leading to the termination of a pregnancy.

The past few paragraphs counsel sexual restraint, but not celibacy. But they are preparing the way. Celibacy may also be wisely counseled, and Sr. Janette Gray’s advocacy of it (1997) will be examined next.

11.3.1 The four phases of celibacy

Gray convincingly describes four historical phases in the theology of celibacy. The first of these is a kind of martyrdom, where the celibate replicates “the bodily sacrifice of the saviour” (1997, p. 145).

Pelvic anxiety 

Celibacy is influenced by movements such as Gnosticism and Manichaeism that rejected sex. Avoiding sex led to its devaluation, to a “virulent strain of pelvic anxiety,” which produced “common misery” for scores of saintly Christians. “At the core of this negativity is disbelief in the humanness of sex and the sexuality of being human, despite the central Christian doctrine of creation – that what God creates is good”. This kind of theology “rejects the body and sexuality [and] sees the material as inferior to the spiritual, and negatively associates woman, matter, earth, nature and sexuality” (Gray, 1997, p. 146; see also Ruether, 1983, p. 80).

A second historical phase in her construction of celibacy is its social form, monasticism. In monasteries and convents “a corporate identity was envisaged transcending the individual limitations of human nature and abandoning the corporeality and sinfulness of the personal body for the spiritually enhanced communal body.” A third phase is the rational/intellectual phase – “the privileging of the reasoning self and imagination over and against the body, the seat of sensory illusion” (Gray, 1997, p. 147). Mind and body are at war. The battlefield is the interior soul. This phase of celibacy reshaped “the suspicion of the body . . . through the ascendancy of the spiritual over the body and the employment of the reflective intellect in the turn to God away from the flesh and worldly distractions.”

Being sexual, being celibate 

Gray is well aware of the destructive legacy of all these historical phases of celibacy. So why defend celibacy at all? Well, there is a fourth, “embodied” and still experimental phase, “still taking form, being consciously embodied within the ranks of the body-denying theologies and the carnage and hatred they have engendered” (Gray, 1997, p. 149). This is “the search for union with God, mediated in human relationships other than sexual partnership. It happens through being sexual, not by imagining that sexuality can be abandoned as a zone of sin beyond God’s saving action” (Gray, 1997, pp. 149–150; emphasis in original).

This form of celibacy is “a way of being sexual. It recognizes the body as constitutive of our being, not merely as a vessel for the spirit.” Celibate living that positively values sexuality “finds that sexual attraction, warmth, and energy permeate all human relationships.” The erotic is allowed to diffuse itself throughout the body instead of remaining focused in the genitals.

Embodied celibacy provides emancipation from the “negative concept of woman as sensual, temptress, and ‘other’,” which still inhabits too many male celibate minds (Gray, 1997, p. 151). No, God does not have “a particular concern to keep women’s bodies under sexual control” (Gray, 1997, p. 152). Speaking for women who refuse to be male defined in negative ways she says “Women need to redress the powerlessness of definition by others and to find new ways of integrating their embodiment with an identity of their own” (1997, p. 153). This kind of celibacy can be subversive. Not only is it “a deviation from the usual role of being a sexual partner.” It also “challenges the male-mirroring of itself in woman as ‘other’” (p. 154). It subverts “the male definition of woman as sexual object.”

The insight that the expression of our sexuality need not catapult us into a sexual relationship or into even looking for one may be welcomed by many lay people for whom celibacy is not a lifelong project but just a state they happen to be in. A recent report from the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America helpfully develops this theme, counseling that:

"One does not need to be in a relationship to experience one’s sexuality. Bodies do not suddenly become sexual at puberty and do not cease to be sexual when, for example, there are physical or developmental limitations, menopause, erectile dysfunction, or the absence of a sexual partner. This means that throughout our lives we need to find life-enhancing and appropriate ways of giving expression to this complicated dimension of ourselves." (ELCA, 2009, p. 25)

In the last two sections we have thought about the traditional state of virginity “for the sake of the Kingdom;” about an entirely secular recommendation of virginity; and about good and bad contemporary theological arguments of celibacy. These thoughts will help us to enlarge and commend chastity. Chastity will be defined, criticized, refined and commended.

11.4 Commending Chastity

The examination of virginity and celibacy has enabled us to think theologically about good reasons for not having sex when we might otherwise want to. Virginity is a bodily state we keep until it is surrendered. Sometimes it is referred to as a temporary state to opt into before opting out again. Virginity “for the sake of the Kingdom” clearly starts out as a lifelong endeavor, the vocation of a few people. For most of us, most of the time, the virtue of chastity is what we may find we need.

Chastity was compared earlier with celibacy and virginity (see Section 11.1). We will proceed as we did with virginity “for the sake of the Kingdom” in the last section: first, the account will be described, then analyzed, and then its relevance assessed.

11.4.1 Defining chastity

There are four features of this account that need to be emphasized.

First, chastity on this account is not a characteristic of relationships, however holy they may be, but a particular attention paid to the individual’s self-preservation before God. “The chaste person maintains the integrity of the powers of life and love placed in him. This ensures the unity of the person.”

Whatever unity the person may have is with himself or herself. Chastity is about refusing to allow the disturbance to the equilibrium of body and spirit that sexual desire constantly threatens. The powers of life and love, the very God-given forces that drive us into relation with others are to be held within the fragile unity of the chaste self.

Second, hierarchical language is deliberately deployed in the description of how chastity is to be obtained. People must rid themselves “of all slavery to the passions” (para. 2339).

“Master” and “slave,” with the corresponding states of domination and subjugation, feature prominently. Drawn originally from concrete historical relationships between real masters and real slaves, those relationships are relocated reflexively in the inner struggle where the person experiences himself or herself as both master and slave in the heart of their divided being.

Third, the old dualism between reason and passion survives unamended in the Catechism. References to slavery suggest that Chastity belongs to “the cardinal virtue of temperance, which seeks to permeate the passions and appetites of the senses with reason.” Priority is clearly given to reason over passion in the anthropology that informs the analysis, since passions are only to be controlled, and reason provides the means.

Fourth, a final observation concerns the requirement of chastity binding on people before marriage. It is unsparing in the injunction that having sex is unavailable to them, whatever their circumstances or degree of commitment to each other. Particular efforts at self-mastery are required at certain times, especially during childhood and adolescence (para. 2342). “Those who are engaged to marry are called to live chastity in continence” (para. 2350). If this should prove difficult, it is to be received as a “time of testing.” Engaged couples “should reserve for marriage the expressions of affection that belong to married love.”

11.4.2 Five principles for enlarging chastity

Chastity and church 

Christians need an account of chastity that is not overly shaped by the experience of male celibate theologians whose own struggles present difficulties of their own, difficulties that should not be projected onto everyone else. I once suggested that the meaning that people give to sexual activity can be helpfully, but not exclusively, described by reference to one or more of these four concepts: exploration, recreation, expression, procreation (Thatcher, 1997, p. 131).

Children and young people will want to explore their bodies, and as desire grows, the bodies of others. Exploration is a name appropriately given to these activities, which contribute to self-knowledge and are a consequence of the way God made us. The desire to explore desirable bodies is as natural as any alleged requirement of the Natural Law, isn’t it? This is a legitimate meaning of sexual activity. The idea of sex as recreation conveys a sense of playfulness, of pleasure, of continual re-creating of a relationship.

Since we belong to a species that makes symbolic gestures and actions, it is almost obvious to remark that sexual behavior is expressive, and can express a range of meanings from a loving, mutual self-surrender to misogyny and humiliation. Any Christian theology of sex assumes this. Finally, the principal meaning given to having sex by the church for most of its history, is procreation. Christian women and men are not immune from any of these processes.

Chastity and the growth of sexual experience

There is a detail from the definition of chastity just considered that will come to our aid shortly. It is the injunction that “People should cultivate [chastity] in the way that is suited to their state of life.” The idea of a “state of life” in accordance with which appropriate sexual behavior is a virtuous response, will soon be shown to be a fruitful one.

It is obvious that chastity is more likely to be acquired when it is encouraged and practiced by parents, in families, among peers, and certainly within church communities. Local churches do not always provide this encouragement positively. The churches need to understand adolescence better.

Older Christians and Church leaders should understand better the exploration that adolescents need to undertake in order to experience, enjoy, express and control their sexuality, and the intense pleasure that can accompany sexual activity. The adolescent period can also be emotionally painful and disturbing, and experimentation prior to the onset of domestic and career responsibilities is to be expected. There has never been such a lengthy period between puberty and marriage. Christian sexual ethics has to deal with this unique situation at a time when secularity is advanced, and openness to revision of traditional teachings is generally discouraged.

Whatever our age there is always room for further maturity, emotionally, intellectually, personally, sexually, and spiritually. Exploration and experimentation are going to happen and will not be deterred by parental or ecclesiastical embarrassment. Rather a loving, sympathetic, and honest environment both at home, and at church or chaplaincy, is more likely to enable young people to negotiate their explorations on their way to growing sexual maturity. A positive theology of sexuality within which the body, desire, and intimate relationships can be located, and the practice of learning to love can be encouraged, will have vastly more influence than any display of clerical anxiety, and uncomfortable exhortations to be abstinent.

I suggest the following five principles that might help in the reclamation of chastity in a permissive age. They are:

1. The principle of positive waiting.
2. The principle of proportion.
3. The principle of loving commitment.
4. The principle of exclusion.
5. The principle of honoring states of life.

The principle of positive waiting 

For people of faith the principle of positive waiting for something can be enriching, and it can be applied to the onset of sexual partnerships. A convincing, and counter-cultural reason for delaying having sex lies in the unashamed benefits of waiting for something. People who live in affluent societies are accustomed to getting what they want without having to wait for it, whether it is fast food, express delivery, instant gratification, or instant response to an e-mail. How can waiting be a virtue? Waiting for a late flight, or for snow to melt, or for full recovery from illness is hardly virtuous, but there are several advantages in waiting for sex.

First, there are prudential advantages. We save ourselves lots of bother by not getting emotionally involved with potential sexual partners until we can handle it. If we try to get sexually involved without getting emotionally involved, a consequence of this may the separation of the body of the person from his or her totality as a physical/emotional/spiritual being.

Waiting is a means of acquiring patience, and patience is itself a trait of character essential to the success of a long-term relationship.

Waiting may also be a means of avoiding regret. Several studies show that over half of young women who were asked about their first experience of having sex, said they were disappointed (or worse) with it, and wished that they had waited until they were older.

But there is a spiritual dimension to waiting, and that is because waiting is central to the practice of Christian faith and life. Waiting is more than a prudential policy, an unattractive but necessary means for acquiring virtue. Waiting is one of the things all Christians do!

Yes, one may speak, following the argument of Paul in Romans 8:14–30, of a “theology of waiting.” Christians currently in a state of suffering are said to be waiting for future glory (8:17–18) and, indeed, even “the whole creation” is “groaning as in the pains of childbirth” (8:22), awaiting its liberation. In a deep sense all Christian people are expectant, waiting, longing, not for sex but for Christ’s second coming, and for the restoration of all things that will happen in that time beyond time called “the end of time,” or “the end of the age.”

Precisely in these circumstances of waiting, the virtue of hope is acquired, eager anticipation is enjoyed, and in the experience of impatience “the Spirit helps us in our weakness” (8:26). Here is a way of expressing strong sexual desire. It is not disowned or denied. It is recognized and affirmed. But it is linked to the deepest desires Christians have, and which they believe God has – for the triumph of good over evil, love over hate, reconciliation over enmity. That link can turn waiting into a profound prayer for all God wants for the world, and a determination to play one’s part in reaching it. Waiting for what one most desires can have profound spiritual implications.

The principle of proportion 

In 1991 some Anglican bishops wrote

"one basic principle is very definitely implicit in Christian thinking about sexual relations. It may be put this way: the greater the degree of personal intimacy, the greater should be the degree of personal commitment... Often it is only because a relationship has advanced to a point of deep trust, valuing and commitment that inhibitions and privateness are surrendered, and intercourse becomes a possibility. For Christian tradition this has been, as it were, codified in the principle that full sexual intercourse requires total commitment". (House of Bishops of the Church of England, 1991, para. 3.2; emphasis added)

The bishops did not use the term “proportion” but it is directly implied in their treatment of the relation between the degrees of intimacy and of commitment. The more intimacy negotiated, the greater must be the commitment to match it. Their advice, far from being moralistic, is intended to show that the bottom line in any theology of sexuality is God’s love for all God’s people. In this case the sheer vulnerability of people in sexual relationships is assumed, recognized, and honored. The potentiality for hurt, regret, and emotional trauma is so great that time, above all, is needed to develop a mutual trust within which our personal privacies are respected, and our physical and emotional space revered.

The principle of loving commitment 

The bishops commend what I have called the principle of proportion, and in doing this another principle is suggested – the principle of loving commitment.

The meaning of sex as an expression of love is far fromobvious, either in the church or in secular societies. We noted earlier that marrying for love is an alarmingly modern idea. As two secular commentators observe: “In the absence of notions like commitment and responsibility, horniness can look an awful lot like ‘love’” (Coles and Stokes, 1985, p. 85). Christians have worried more about whether having sex was lawful than whether it was loving. The view that sex and love are related is found in the Song of Songs. For long periods sex had nothing to do with love, only with procreation and the avoidance of sin. Chapter 6 showed how human love is able to mingle with the divine love, and how sexual love may also be a means of giving and receiving God’s love for us. But the position taken there is far from obvious, and needs argument to establish it.

To be fair to the bishops, they say full sex requires full commitment, and they understand this requirement to be one of the positive meanings of Christian marriage. But the idea that loving someone is a sufficient reason for having sex with them is a common one.

The principle of exclusion

The principle of exclusion is a principle related to intimacy. It excludes a penis from a vagina unless certain conditions are satisfied. For conservative Christians that condition is nothing less than marriage. It is possible to derive this principle from some insights of Paul, and especially the distinction he makes in the course of a long argument, between sins which are “outside” the body and sins which are “against” the body:

"Flee from sexual immorality. All other sins a man commits are outside his body, but he who sins sexually sins against his own body." (1 Cor. 6:18)

At Corinth, some Christians were celebrating their freedom in Christ by regarding themselves as free from all sexual constraints whatever. Against them Paul introduced a very positive appraisal of the human body that precluded its casual sexual use. Central to his argument is the claim: “The body is not meant for sexual immorality, but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body” (1 Cor. 6:13).

We have already encountered a reading of Paul’s argument to the effect that Christ is present wherever the members of His body are, and whatever the members of His body do. It was suggested that once the ancient physiology associated with Paul’s thought is laid aside, a valuation of the body comes into view that has powerful ethical implications.

The suggestion made now may take a touch too literally the distinction Paul makes between sins committed “outside” the body, and “against” the body, but it may still be helpful. (It is not clear that all sins other than sexual sins are committed outside the body: gluttony would be a good counter-example.) The principle of exclusion draws attention to two details of Paul’s characterization of sexual sins as being inside and against the body.

It could hardly be more obvious that penetrative sex is an act committed “inside the body.” The question is whether the act is also “against” the body. In many cases the answer must be “yes,” and sexual partners themselves acknowledge this by taking steps to protect themselves against consequences that directly affect their health. The principle might also be regarded as an expression of the Pauline teaching that the honoring of God with the body and its mutual recognition as incarnate Spirit be regulative for at least some sexual relations involving Christians.

The principle of honoring states of life 

But individuals and couples are not going to wait forever. The four principles listed above may serve them well – but only for a while. When waiting gives out, the principle of honoring states of life comes a valuable one. What exactly is it?

At the beginning of the chapter, the Catechism was cited: “People should cultivate [chastity] in the way that is suited to their state of life ... Married people are called to live conjugal chastity; others practise chastity in continence” (para. 2349). Mention of “states of life” also occurs in the preceding paragraph of the Catechism:

"All the baptized are called to chastity. The Christian has “put on Christ”, the model for all chastity. All Christ’s faithful are called to lead a chaste life in keeping with their states of life. At the moment of his Baptism, the Christian is pledged to lead his affective life in chastity." (para. 2348; emphasis added)

There are three interesting features of this account of chastity, and they invite a further proposal.

First, the recognition of states of life itself introduces a welcome sense of relativity, of change, of growth, in the circumstances of people. There are states of life which people reach, and pass.

Second, chastity is not the same as celibacy, or virginity, and is very different from abstinence from sex. If chastity was the same thing as virginity, then married people would not be exhorted to live “conjugal chastity.” They are not expected to abstain from sex. They are expected to abstain from sex with anyone else.

Third, the number of states of life is limited to two, “married people” and “others” (though the state of widowhood is also mentioned). People who are engaged are ranked among the “others,” “called to live chastity in continence” (para. 2350). (“Continence” is an appalling choice of word. An incontinent person is one who cannot control his or her urinary or faecal discharges. There is no doubt what continence means here: no orgasms.)

A new “state of life” 

My proposal is simple: there is a third, intermediate state of life between singleness and marriage. In this state of life straight people on their way to marriage may be free to have contracepted sex. There are two broad reasons for proposing this:

First, the interval between puberty and marriage has never been greater. It is unprecedented. Healthy individuals cannot be expected to wait until around 30 years of age for their first experience of full sex. It is pastorally insensitive, as well as unrealistic, to expect them to do so.

Second, there is a name for this intermediate state. It has been around longer than Christianity. It is betrothal. A third state of life is not a new invention: it is the recovery of an old one. I shall propose, in line with the need to develop Tradition, not merely to repeat it, that having sex in this state of life is fully compatible with the Christian call to chastity.

This chapter has attempted to make contemporary sense of virginity, of celibacy, and of chastity. The proposal just stated requires considerable theological discussion about contraception and its uses; indeed for many Christians whether contraception may be used at all even with marriage.

By Adrian Thatcher in "God, Sex, and Gender- An Introduction", Wiley-Blackwell, UK, 2011, excerpts pp-193-209. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

CARNE VERMELHA COMBATE A DEPRESSÃO

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Quem não aprecia um bom churrasco ou um bife suculento? Além do sabor, a carne vermelha traz diversos benefícios para a saúde em todas as idades. É um alimento rico em nutrientes, com substâncias fundamentais para o crescimento e desenvolvimento humano. Além disso, contém grande quantidade de ferro e vitaminas do complexo B, importantes para a prevenção de anemia, principalmente nos grupos de risco como crianças, gestantes e idosos em geral.

“Mitos sobre a carne vermelha precisam ser esclarecidos”, comenta o nutrólogo Dr. Celso Cukier. “O organismo absorve melhor o ferro presente nas carnes vermelhas do que o ferro encontrado em alimentos de origem vegetal. Além disso, a carne vermelha é, também, fonte de proteínas, que são importantíssimas para o desenvolvimento dos músculos, órgãos e tecidos, e contém zinco, um mineral que contribui para o bom funcionamento do metabolismo das proteínas, dos hidratos de carbono, dos lípidos e dos ácidos nucleicos”, conclui o médico.

Atualmente a carne bovina é bem mais magra e traz uma quantidade de proteínas não só alta, mas que também é melhor aproveitada e absorvida pelo corpo. A carne reúne ainda todas as vitaminas lipossolúveis (A, D, E e K) e as hidrossolúveis do complexo B. “A absorção do ferro contido em vegetais é muito baixa e existe uma maior dificuldade de digestão desses alimentos. A carne vermelha tem maior absorção e contém todos os aminoácidos recomendados principalmente para os praticantes de atividades físicas ”, completa.

O consumo de carne vermelha deve ser feito três vezes por semana, sendo intercalada com peixes e frango. O ideal é retirar a gordura aparente da carne, pois é nela que estão as gorduras saturadas. Assada, grelhada ou cozida são as melhores opções de preparo.

Artigo publicado no jornal "Estado de Minas" de 11 de junho de 2014. Digitado, adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

HISTORIA DEL GIN TONIC

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De la españolisima condesa de Chinchón y el clérigo Joseph Priestley, descubridor del oxígeno, hasta el propio rey Guillermo IlI de Orange o Lucas Bols, impulsor de la primera destilería comercial,pasando por francés Pierre Joseph Pelletier que consiguió aislar la quinina y, por supuesto, Johann Jacob Schweppe, inventor de la tónica, muchos han sido los que a lo largo de los siglos han aportado su pequeño o gran grano de arena para que el acto de mezclar en una misma copa ginebra y tónica sea hoy uno de los mas repetidos y populares del mundo a la hora de disfrutar de un trago largo.

"El gin tonic ha salvado más vidas y mentes de hombres ingleses que todos los doctores del Imperio", dejo dicho Winston Churchill, tal vez teniendo muy presente el,tan curioso como fascinante, origen historico del más popular de los combinados. Lo cierto es que la partida de nacimiento el gin tonic suele fecharse en torno a 1870, poco después de que un joyero de origen aleman afincado en la localidad suiza de Ginebra, Johann Jacob Schweppe, consiguiese inventar un sistema que le permitió introducir burbujas de dióxido de carbono en el agua embotellada.

Aunque, en realidad, el descubrimiento de Schweppe no fue sino una depuracion del ya realizado en 1789 por Joseph Priestley, el clérigo britanico que descubrio el oxígeno.

Pero el agua carbonatada no es más que eso. La tónica del gin tonic naceria al añadir a esa botella llena de burbujas el alcaloide que se extrae de la corteza del arbol de la quina, la quinina, de reconocidas propiedades antipiréticas, analgésicas y antipalúdicas.

Y es, llegados a este punto, cuando conviene recordar, no sólo por aquello de hacer patria sino porque las cosas fueron como fueron, cómo en 1638, Francisca Henriquez de Ribera, esposa del Virrey del Perú y Conde de Chinchón, estando en Lima enfermó de malaria o, como también se conocia la enfermedad, de fiebre de los pantanos. Lamentablemente, la malaria, entonces como ahora, se cobraba miles de victimas y la pobre Condesa de Chinchón estaba ya en las ultimas cuando uno de sus sirvientes le administró el polvo de la corteza de la quina que los indigenas americanos conocian desde tiempos inmemoriales y gracias al cual finalmente se curó.

El gran negocio de la "Chinchona"

Tras su recuperación, y naturalmente encantada con el resultado del tratamiento que habia recibido, de regreso a España la condesa, primera europea en superar la malaria gracias al polvo de la corteza de la quina, lo trajo a su pais, y desde aqui se dio a conocer a toda Europa con nombres tan variados y curiosos como las de "polvos de la condesa" y "corteza jesuitica" o, simplemente, "Chinchona", en honor a la ilustre dama que salvó su vida gracias a ellos.

Poco después, la elaboración de las "polvos de la condesa" se convirtió en un lucrativo negocio dada su innegable utilidad en la lucha contra la malaria, una enfermedad endémica en la mayor parte de las territorios ultramarinos tropicales que constituían las imperios coloniales de las potencias europeas de la época.

Tal fue así que el cultivo de la quina se institucionalizó en Peru y otras zonas andinas para proteger el monopolio de tan preciado producto. En los Andes se estableció el centro de la producción mundial de la quina hasta que unos astutos y osados comerciantes holandeses, ayudándose de importantes sobornos, lograron hacerse con un cargamento de semillas e iniciar su propia producción masiva en la isla indonesia de Java, con tal éxito que llegaron a controlar el mercado mundial de la quina hasta después de la segunda Guerra Mundial.

El antepasado del gin tonic

Fue a principios del siglo XIX, en 1817, cuando dos franceses, el naturalista y quimico, Pierre Joseph Pelletier, y el también qufmico y profesor de la Escuela de Farmacia Joseph Bienaimé Caventou, consiguieron aislar el principio activo de la corteza de la quina, la quinina, lo que posibilitó la masiva fabricaci6n y distribuci6n del medicamento en forma de tabletas.

Ya bajo su nueva presentación, la quinina fue enviada desde Europa a todos los rincones de las vastas zonas tropicales que conformaban sus imperios coloniales distribuidos por Asia, Africa y América para que militares y colonos pudiesen combatir el paludismo.

Pero si era cierto que la dosis diaria de quinina era el mejor remedio conocido contra la malaria, también lo era que su ingestión no resultaba demasiado placentera debido a su extremo amargor.

Por ello se hacía necesario mezclar la quinina con distintos tipos de siropes que la convirtieran en un jarabe medicinal lo menos desagradable posible para el paladar.

De hecho, se atribuye a los oficiales britanicos destinados en la India, durante el primer cuarto del siglo XIX, la idea de lo que podría considerarse como en antepasado mas directo del gin tonic al disolver las tabletas de quinina en agua con lima, azucar y ginebra para enmascarar el potente y sabor del medicamento. Asi las cosas, y volviendo al descubrimiento de Schweppe, el aleman tuvo en 1870 la idea de establecer en Londres, por aquel entonces verdadera capital del mundo, la J. Schweppe & Co, empresa dedicada a la fabricacion de agua carbonatada de naranja con quinina, que a su calidad de refrescante bebida añadia sus propiedades terapeuticas de cara a combatir la temida malaria y que precisamente gracias a estas propiedades pronto comenzaría a conocerse como agua tonica.

La aportación de Sir Clements R. Markham

El navegante, botanico, explorador, escritor y geografo inglés, Sir Clements Robert Markham (1830-1916), pasó toda su vida viajando a Los Andes y, en numerosas ocasiones a la India, pais que llego a conocer profundamente.

En 1852 realizó un largo viaje a Perú, donde visitó numerosas ciudades e investigó la cultura inca. Fue en Ayacucho cuando descubrió las propiedades curativas de la "cinchona", fuente de la quinina. Asi, Markham presentó ante la Comision de Rentas de las lndias una campaña para importar desde Perú plantas y semillas de chinchona, que se convirtió en el primer tratamiento eficaz contra la malaria y otras enfermedades tropicales.

Tras la aprobación de su campaña, en 1859 Markham fue puesto a cargo de toda la operación. Las expediciones fueron complicadas y en muchas ocasiones, clandestinas. Recorrió miles de kilometros en burro y tuvo que escapar de los indigenas, quienes intentaron evitar por todos los medios que Markham se llevara su tesoro mas preciado: la quinina. Sin embargo, a pesar de todos los contratiempos con los que se encontró, Markham logro introducir esta pianta en la India Colonial Inglesa. En reconocimiento a su labor, Markham fue nombrado Caballero Comandante de la Orden del Baño (KCB), convirtiéndose en Sir Clements Markham.

Ademas, como presidente de la Real Sociedad Geográfica, a finales del siglo XIX, Markham dirigió la financiación para la exploración britanica de los polos. Asi, sus esfuerzos sirvieron para que los británicos fueran los primeros en alcanzar las regiones polares.

De la rebotica a la taberna

Si el origen de la tónica es, por tanto, relativamente reciente con su apenas siglo y medio de vida, el de la ginebra es mucho más antiguo, aunque al igual que el de su hoy inseparable compañera la tónica hunde sus raices en el terreno de la medicina. Muchos son los que mantienen que fue creada por monjes holandeses en el siglo XlI como arma para combatir la temida peste bubónica. Si la tonica llega a ser tal gracias a la corteza de un árbol, el de la quina, la ginebra lo es gracias al fruto de otro árbol, el enebro.

Ese fruto, pequeño, redondo y de color negro azulado, es la nebrina. De hecho, la legislación actual exige que para que un destilado se comercialice con el nombre de ginebra su sabor debe ser el de la nebrina, que se añade al licor tras la fase previa del destilado del cereal.

La palabra ginebra proviene, segun los autores, del francés genièvre o del holandés junever, dos palabras que, en cualquier caso, tienen el mismo significado: enebro.

Históricamente se atribuye la paternidad de la ginebra a un médico alemán que vivió y trabajó en Holanda como profesor de la Universidad de Leiden, Franciscus Sylvius de la Boe, que en el siglo XVII fue el primero en fijar los elementos de la destilación de esta bebida siguiendo la tradición de los monjes holandeses para recomendarla a sus pacientes con problemas digestivos y como diurético.

Su preparado, bautizado en principio como 'aqua juniperi', pronto pasó de los estantes de la reboticas a los de las tabernas cuando el holandés Lucas Bols fundó la que a día de hoy es la destilería mas antigua del mundo y responsable de la primera marca comercial de ginebra, Bols.

Pero aunque la cuna de la ginebra debe fijarse en los Países Bajos, fue Gran Bretaña quien la popularizó en todo el mundo tras comprobar como las tropas británicas que luchaban en el continente se veían superadas en arrojo por los soldados holandeses que, según pensaban los ingleses, agrandaban su valentia a los tragos de ginebra que ingerían antes de entrar en combate.

Genever o Gin?

No tardaron los británicos en hacerse con la fórmula de la ginebra y comenzar a fabricarla.

Después de que el pueblo inglés, gracias a la que paso a la historia como "la revolucion gloriosa" destronase en 1688 al rey Jacobo Il,deseoso de devolver el catolicismo romano a las islas, se le ofreció el trono al holandés Guillermo IlI, principe de Orange,que tras comprometerse a respetar la libertad religiosa y politica de sus nuevos súbditos, tomó, entre sus primeras decisiones, la de decretar, para proteger asi la producción inglesa, la prohibición de importar ginebra de Holanda.

La sucesora de Guillermo III, la reina Ana, continuó con la politica proteccionista del principe de Orange y aumentó considerablemente los impuestos a las bebidas importadas al tiempo que los reducfa para las producidas en su reino, lo que potenció tremendamente el consumo de ginebra británica y su tremenda popularidad entre la poblacion de las islas desde comienzos del siglo XVIII.

Segun datos oficiales, en 1750 una de cada cinco casas londinenses vendían su propia ginebra y los impuestos eran tan bajos que era aún más barata que la cerveza. De hecho, en lnglaterra se producfa la asombrosa cantidad de 75 millones de litros de ginebra al ano.

La ginebra, genièvre en francés y genever en holandés, paso a ser gin en Gran Bretaña.

Una diferencia que ha llegado hasta nuestros días y que podia resumirse en el mayor aroma de la genever holandesa, destinada en alquitara y también conocida como Geneva schnapps o hollands, frente a la sequedad del gin inglés, el London dry, destilada en alambique de columnas.

Evidentemente de esto no cabe inferir que sólo sean la holandesa y la inglesa las unicas ginebras en participar de nuestros modernos  gin tonics. Actualmente multitud de paises se dedican a su fabricación. Pero todas ellas comparten el mismo origen.

De hecho, el impulso definitivo de la destilacion de excelentes ginebras en España, donde el enebro crece de forma silvestre, se remonta al tiempo en que, durante casi un siglo, la isla de Menorca pasó a formar parte de la corona británica.

El encuentro definitivo

Fijados ya el origen y desarrollo historico de los dos componentes basicos del gin tonic, la ginebra y la tonica, queda por determinar el momento en que alguien tuvo la afortunada inspiración de reunirlos en un mismo vaso y en este punto todos las investigadores coinciden en que debemos agradecérse lo a los soldados y funcionarios britanicos de clase media que durante el siglo XIX sirvieron al Imperio en sus mas reconditos rincones, muchas veces plagados de mosquitos 'anofeles' portadores de la malaria, que se veían obligados a tomar grandes cantidades de quinina en forma de una tonica que la ginebra ayudaba a ingerir en mayores dosis. Hoy en dia buena parte de las tonicas que llegan al mercado han sustituido la quinina por aromatizantes y edulcorante, pero lo cierto es que el gin tonic nace cuando el europeo colonizador se ve en la obligación de enfrentarse contra la malaria a base de quinina y enmascara su mal sabor con el de la ginebra.

Hay quien sostiene que un anónimo oficial britanico, para celebrar las constantes victorias de sus tropas en la India, fue el primero en proponer que se añadiera ginebra a la tonica.

Y hay también quien asegura que si eligió ginebra en lugar de cualquier otro destilado no fue sólo por su gran popularidad entre los británicos sino también por sus comprobadas virtudes digestivas en un país donde la comida siempre se condimentaba a base contundentes especias.

Hay incluso quien mantiene que lo que se buscaba al utilizar ginebra era rendir homenaje a Johann Jacob Schweppe, inventor de la tonica y residente en la localidad suiza del mismo nombre.


  • Fuera como fuese, el ser humano ha venido mezclando bebidas desde siempre, aunque los primeros registros historicos de estas mezclas no apareciesen hasta finales del siglo XVII, pero la historia del gin tonic siempre ha sido un caso al margen.Es la historia de sus dos principales elementos, ginebra y tonica, unidos en principio para buscar un remedio contra la enfermedad, que con el tiempo se convierten en una bebida concebida para el disfrute. Unidos también para combatir el mal sabor de un medicamento, terminó generando un gusto absolutamente particular y fascinante que se ha convertido en tendencia en todo el mundo. La historia, en fin, del que posiblemente sea el mas popular de todos los 'highball' o tragos largos en cualquier parte del planeta.


Texto publicado en "El Gran Libro del Gin Tonic", dirección de Nana Gómez, pp. 8-18.  Publicación de Axel Springer, Madrid, España, 2013. Digitación, adaptación y ilustración de Leopoldo Costa.







ALIMENTATION - LE RÔLE DES NUTRIMENTS ESSENTIELS

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La principale source d'énergie de l'organisme proviene d'une alimentation saine et équilibrée. L'alimentation des enfants, non seulement leur fournit cette énergie, mais édifìe également les bases d'une bonne hygiène de vie future. Chez les adultes, l'alimentation favorise la réparation et la régénération des cellules de l'organisme. Une alimentation équilibrée fournit tous les nutriments essentiels dont l'organisme a besoin. Cet équilibre ne peut être atteint qu'avec une alimentation variée.

LES GRAISSES 

Il existe deux catégories de graisses: les graisses saturées et les graisses insaturées. Une  alimentation équilibrée doit  forcément  en  contenir, car les graisses  apportent  de  l'énergie  et  fournissent à l'organisme des  acides gras essentiels et des vitamines solubles. De plus, un juste apport en graisses renforce le système immunitaire et assure le bon  functionnement des muscles, des nerfs  et desartères.  Les graisses saturées sont d'origine animale et sont à l'état solide à température  ambiante. On  les  trouve  dans  les  produits laitìers, la viande, les oeufs, la margarine er les autres corps gras comme le lard, mais aussi dans les produits raffinés ert industriels comme les plats cuìsinés, les gâteaux et les biscuits.  Il a été prouvé  scientifìquement qu'une forte consommation  de graisses saturées augmentait les troubles cardiovasculaires et le taux de cholestérol, et  entrainait  souvent  une prise de  poids. Plus généralement, une bonne alimentation n'incorpore en fait que très peu de graisses. Mais s'il est essentiel de réduìre sa consommation de graisses saturées, cela ne signifìe pas pour autant qu'on puisse abuser des autres types de corps gras.

Les graisses insaturées sont réparties en deux catégories: les graisses poly­insaturées et les graisses mono-insaturées. Les poly-insaturées englobent les huiles de carthame, de soja, de maïs et de sésame. Les acides gras oméga-3 en font aussi partie. Ces acides gras oméga-3 sont particulièrement remarquables pour leurs effets bénéfìques sur le système coronaire,l'activité intellectuelle  la croissance. On en trouve dans les poissons gras comme le saumon, le maquereau, le hareng et les sardines. D'ailleurs, nous devrions en consommer au moins une fois par semaine. Les personnes végétariennes ou qui ne mangent pas de poisson peuvent toujours se procurer des gélules d'huìle de foie de poisson, en vente dans les boutiques de diététique. Dans ce cas, il est recommandé de prendre ces compléments alimentaires quotidiennement.

Les plus appréciées des huiles mono-insaturée. sont les huiles d 'olive, de tournesol et d'arachide. Le régime dit méditerranéen, basé sur une alimentation riche en graisses mono-insaturées, est bon pour le système cardiovasculaire. De plus, ces graisses aident également à réduìre le taux de "mauvais" cholestérol.

LES PROTÉINES 

Les protéines, composées de chaînes d'acides aminés, sont indispensables à l'organisme, aussi bien pour l'apport d'énergie quc pour la fabrication des tissus. Les oeufs, le lait, les yaourts,la viande, le poisson, les volailles, les noix et les légumes secs constituent tous de bonnes sourccs de protéines. Méfìez-vous, car certains de ces aliments sont également très riches en graisses saturées. Pour une alimentation équilibrée, privilégiez les protéines d'origine végétale comme le soja, les haricots secs, les petits pois et les noix.

LES FRUITS ET LÉGUMES

Les fruits et les légumes sont excellents pour la santé car ils fournissent les  vitamines  et les  minéraux indispensables  à  la  croissance, à la regénération et à la protection de l'organisme. Sans compter qu'ils sont peu  caloriques,  régulent  le  métabolisme du corps humain et influencent la composition des fluides  et des cellules.

LES MINÉRAUX

CALCIUM - Indispensable à la bonne santé des dents et des os, des transmissions nerveuses, des contractions musculaires, de la coagulation du sang et de l'équilibre hormonal. Le calcium vous aide à prendre soin de votre coeur et de votre peau, soulage les courbatures et les douleurs musculaires, maintient le juste équilibre acido-alcalin de l'organisme et réduit les crampes menstruelles. Le calcium se trouve surtout dans les produits laitiers, les petites arêtes de poisson, les noix, les légumes secs, les farines enrichies, le pain et les légumes à feuilles vertes.

CHROME - Joue un rôle dans la gestion du glucose. Le chrome aide à équilibrer la glycémie dans le sang, à réguler la faim et à diminuer les fringales. De plus, il augmente l'espérance de vie, protège l'ADN des cellules et est indispensable au bon fonctionnement du coeur. On en trouve notamment dans la levure de bière, le pain complet, le pain de seigle, les huitres, les pommes de terre, les poivrons verts, le beurre.

FER - Un des composants de l'hémoglobine. Le fer transporte l'oxygène dans tout le corps. Il est indispensable à une croissance normale. Les principales sources en fer sont le foie, la viande rouge, les céréales enrichies, les légumes secs, les légumes à feuillage vert, les jaunes d'oeuf, le cacao et ses dérivés.

IODE - Essentiel dans le développement de la thyroïde et pour la croissance. On le trouve dans les fruits de mer, les algues, le lait et autres produits laitiers.

MAGNÉSIUM - Joue un ròle important dans le fonctionnement des enzymes du métabolisme et dans la formation du squelette. Le magnésium garde les muscles en bonne santé car il les aide à se décontracter.Il est donc également efficace pendant les périodes menstruelles. Enfìn, il est essentiel au bon fonctionnement du coeur et du système nerveux. Les meilleures sources de magnésium sont les noix, les légumes verts, la viande, les céréales, le lait et les yaourts.

PHOSPHORE - Forme et entretient les os et les dents, construit les rissus musculaires, aide à maintenir le pH du corps et joue un rôle dans le métabolisme et la production d'énergie. Le phosphore est présent dans la plupart des aliments.

POTASSIUM - Permet aux nutriments de pénétrer dans les cellules et aux déchets de s'évacuer. Essentiel pour des nerfs er des muscles en bonne santé. Maintient l'équilibre entre les fluides de l'organisme. Aide à la sécrétion d'insuline pour contrôler la glycémic et fournir une énergie constante. Décontracte les muscles. Joue un rôle important dans le fonctionnement du coeur et favorise le transit intestinal. Les meilleures sources de potassium sont, les légumes, le lait et le pain.

SÉLÉNIUM -  Ses propriétés antioxydantes aident à combattre les radicaux libres et autres substances cancérigènes. Le sélénium calme les inflammations, aide le système immunitaire à lutter contre les infections, renforce le coeur et accentue l'action de la vitamine E. Le sélénium joue également un rôle essentiel dans le système reproductif et dans le métabolisme en général. On en trouve dans le thon, le foie, les rognons. la viande,les oeufs, les céréales, les noix et les produits laitiers.

SODIUM - Joue un rôle essentiel dans le contrôle et l'équilibre des fluides de l'organisme et dans la prévention de la déshydratation. Le sodium participe au bon fonctionnement des muscles et des nerfs, et aide les nutriments à pénétrer dans les cellules. Tous les aliments contiennent du sodium, mais les plus riches sont les produits de l'industrie agroalimentaire, en conserve ou très salés.

ZINC - Très important pour le métabolisme et la cicatrisation des blessures. Aide à gérer le stress, participe à la bonne santé du système nerveux et du cerveau, particulièrement chez le foetus. Essentiel pour une énergie constante et la formation de l'ossature et de la dentition. Le foie, la viande, les légumes secs, les céréales complètes, les noix et les huitres constituent de bonnes sources de zinc.

LES VITAMINES 

ACIDE FOLIQUE - Indispensable durant la grossesse pour le développement du cerveau et des nerfs chez le foetus. D'une manière générale, essentiel au bon fonctionnement du cerveau et des nerfs. Nécessaire dans la synthèse des protéines et la formation des globules rouges. Les meilleures sources sont les céréales complètes ou enrichies, les légumes à feuilles vertes, les oranges et le foie.

BIOTINE - Important dans la synthèse des acides gras. On en trouve dans le foie, les rognons, les oeufs et les noix. Cette vitamine est également fabriquée par les "bonnes" bactéries qui résident dans notre intestin.

VITAMINE A - Impontante dans le renouvellement cellulaire, la croissance et l'élaboration des pigments visuels de l'oeil, la vitamine A se décline sous deux formes : le rétinol et le bètacarotène. On trouve du rétinol dans le foie, la viande et ses dérivés ainsi que dans les produits laitiers. Le bétacarotène, antioxydant puissant, est présent dans les fruits et les légumes rouges et jaunes comme les carottes, les mangues et les abricots.

VlTAMINE Bl - Importante pour la transformation des hydrates de carbone en énergic. Les meilleures sources dc vitamine B1 sont la levure et ses dérivés, le pain, les céréales enrichies et les pommes de terre.

VITAMINE B2 - Joue un ròle important dans la synthèse des protéines, des graisses et des hydrates de carbone. La viande, la levure, les céréales enrichies er les produits laitiers en contiennent tous.

VITAMINE B3 - lndispensable à  la transformation des aliments en énergie. On en trouve dans les produits laitiers, les céréales enrichies, les légumes secs, la viande, les volailles et les oeufs.

VITAMINE B5 - lmportante dans la transformation des aliments en énergie. Tous les aliments en contiennent, mais les plus riches sont les céréales enrichies, le pain compier et les produits laitiers.

VITAMINE B6 - Joue un rôle essentiel dans la synthèse des protéines et des graisses. La vitamine B6 participe à la régulation des hormones sexuelles. On en trouve surtout dans le foie, le poisson, le porc, le soja et les cacahuètes.

VITAMINE B12 - Joue un rôle important dans la production d'ADN et de globules rouges.lndispensable à la croissance et au système nerveux. La viande,le poisson, les oeufs, les volailles et le lait en sont les meilleures sources.

VITAMINE C - Joue un rôle important dans la cicatrisation des blessures et dans l'élaborarion du collagène (qui renforce la peau et les os). Puissant antioxydant. Les meilleures sources en sont les fruits et les légumes.

VITAMINE D - Importante  dans l'absorption  et la gestion  du calcium  qui fortifìe les os. Les meilleures sources en sont les poissons gras, les oeufs, les produits laitiers, la margarine et, bien sur, une exposition suffisante au soleil puisque la vitamine D est fabriquée au niveau de la peau.

VITAMINE E - Antioxydant important qui aide à protéger les membranes cellulaires. On en trouve dans les huiles végétales, les margarines,les graines, les noix er les légumes verts.

VITAMINE K - lmportante pour contrôler la coagulation du sang. On trouve cette vitamine dans les choux-fleurs, les choux de Bruxelles, les laitues,les choux, les haricots. les brocolis, les perits pois, les asperges, les pommes de terre, l'huile de maïs, les tomates et le lait.

LES GLUCIDES 

Les glucides constituent une excellente source d'énergie et sont divisé en deux catégories: amidon et sucres. L'amidon, connu également sous le nom de sucres complexes, englobe toutes les céréales, les pommes de terre, le pain, le riz et les pâtes. Consommer ces aliments sous leur forme complète apporte également des fibres. Une alimentation riche en fibres aide à prévenir les cancers de l'appareil digestif et à réduire le taux de cholestérol. Les personnes qui surveillent leur ligne devraient aussi en consommer beaucoup car les fìbres gonflent dans l'estomac et réduisent ainsi les fringales. Les sucres, appelés aussi sucres rapides (à cause de l'énergie immédiate qu'ils procurent à l'organisme), englobent le sucre et tous les produits sucrés qui en découlent, comme les confitures et les sirops. À noter que le lait contient un sucre qui lui est propre, le lactose, tout comme les fruits, contiennent le fructose.

Dans "Poulet et Volailles", pp.10-11 Hachette, Paris. Dactylographié et adapté pour être posté par Leopoldo Costa.







TORQUEMADA, EL PRIMER INQUISIDOR

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Dedicó todos sus esfuerzos a la persecución de los judios, y fue el artifice de su expulsión de España.

El "insolente y fanatico Torquemada", tal como lo calificó Juan Antonio Llorente en su "Historia Crítica de la Inquisición en España"(1817), nació en 1420 en Torquemada (Palencia). Era hijo de Pedro Fernández y de Mencía Ortega, que, al parecer, provenían de una familia de cristianos nuevos. La lógica popular - y a veces la culta - relaciona la obsesión de Torquemada contra los judios con la idea de que solo quien conoce desde dentro la realidad de la conversión simulada puede resultar tan severo en su persecución.

El joven Torquemada, por indicación de su tio, el cardenal Juan de Torquemada, inicia los estudios eclesiásticos en el convento dominico de San Pablo de Valladolid, del que llegará a ser prior en 1474.

En 1479, el Papa Sixto IV concede una bula a los Reyes Católicos para que funden el convento de la Santa Cruz en Segovia. Fray Tomás de Torquemada encarga el proyecto al arquitecto Juan Guas y desde entonces adopta este convento como su residencia preferida, llegando a adquirir el cargo de prior. En ese mismo año el rey Fernando solicita al Papa que dispense a fray Tomas de sus obligaciones monacales para que pueda salir del convento y dedicarse a confesar a los muchos notables que, a imitaci6n del soberano, requieren sus servicios. Esta proximidad a la corte facilitará su carrera hacia el cargo de inquisidor.

"Auto de Fe" por Pedro Berruguete
AUGE Y DECLIVE DEL INQUISIDOR

Un año antes, en 1478, a petición de los reyes, Sixto IV les había concedido la creación de la lnquisición no sólo para perseguir la herejía de los judíos  falsamente convertidos, sino para favorecer el sometimiento del reino de Granada. La puerta queda abierta para que, una vez que el rey Fernando herede el reino de Aragón, en 1479, pueda nombrar un inquisidor general, cargo que recae en el prior de la Santa Cruz, quien desde 1483 lo ostentará para Castilla y Aragón.  Fray Tomas de Torquemada inicia con energía la tarea de organizar la moderna Inquisición y actualizar la legislación, que entonces aún se rige por el "Manual de lnquisidores de Nicolau Eimeric" (1376).  En diez años divide el territorio en distritos, crea tribunales en sus cabeceras, nombra a sus ministros y oficiales, y comienza a publicar una serie de "Instrucciones" que regulan el procedimiento y los mecanismos de actuación y hacienda de la moderna lnquisición. Estas "Instrucciones" consagran la 'inquisitio', es decir, la investigación por iniciativa del inquisidor o de sus oficiales, y organiza el procedimiento eliminando una serie de garantias jurídicas que convierten la confesión del reo, obtenida muchas veces bajo tortura, en la prueba reina del proceso.

El 31 de marzo de 1492 los Reyes Católicos fìrman el decreto de expulsión de los judíos que no se conviertan al cristianismo. La historia y la leyenda coinciden en que, tras aquella orden, Abraham Señor e Isaac Abravanel, representantes de los judios españoles, ofrecen a los Reyes una elevada suma de dinero para que el decreto de expulsión sea derogado. Nada mas enterarse, Torquemada - según cuenta el historiador y humanista italiano Pedro Mártir en su "Epistolario"­ irrumpe en presencia de los Reyes y les dice: "He aquí el crucifìcado al que el perverso Judas vendió por treinta monedas de plata. Si aprobáis ese documento,lo venderéis por una suma mayor. Yo renuncio a mis poderes; nada se me imputará, pero Vos responderéis ante Dios!". Semejante reacción tendría su razón de ser en el hecho de que, al parecer, el texto del decreto había sido redactado por el propio inquisidor general.

Torquemada dedicó todos sus esfuerzos a la implacable persecución de los judíos. Entre los grandes escándalos de su mandato como inquisidor general, a él se le atribuye la creación de falsas pruebas en el proceso por el que fueron condenados ala hoguera algunos judios supuestamente implicados en la crucifixión del llamado Santo Niño de La Guardia.

Pero entonces la estrella del inquisidor Torquemada comenzó a perder su brillo. LIevado por un exagerado celo y un obsesivo rigor, continuó la vigilancia y la persecución de aquellos judíos que no se hubieran convertido sinceramente e incluso se atrevió a procesar, por simple sospecha de judaizar, a personas de la familia de los obispos de Segovia y de Calahorra.

Su osadía había desbordado su propio poder.Estas dignidades apelaron ante Alejandro VI, el papa Borja, quien, el 23 de junio de 1494, nombró a tres nuevos inquisidores con la caritativa excusa diplomatica de ayudar al enfermo y anciano inquisidor.

A partir de 1496, fray Tomas de Torquemada casi no sale del convento de Santo Tomas de Ávila. Apartado del omnímodo poder que había ostentado, ya viejo y achacoso, todavía ese ano se atreve a solicitar a Alejandro VI la confìrmación de un estatuto de limpieza de sangre para el monasterio en el que está retirado, porque alienta el temor de que falsos conversos ingresen como monjes en el convento y, una vez dentro, planeen su asesinato.

El 16 de septiembre de 1498 la muerte sorprende a Torquemada. Aborrecido por todos. Pero sus restos no lograrán el reposo eterno: sepultado en la cripta de Santo Tomás, su tumba es removida em 1572 para dejar sitio a los despojos del obispo de Salamanca Francisco Soto de Salazar. En el momento del traslado, según quiere la leyenda y cuenta el historiador H. Ch. Lea, "se expandió un sobrenatural aroma de deliciosa dulzura que causó gran confusión a los que dedicaban a tan sacrílega tarea". Sus restos, hoy, han desaparecido.

Texto de Javier Pérez Escohotado publicado en "Historia National Geographic n. 10, RBA Revistas S.A, Barcelona, España. Digitación, adaptación y ilustración de Leopoldo Costa.

HABIB'S - SUA HISTÓRIA

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Leopoldo Costa

Habib's é a maior rede de fast-food árabe do mundo e a terceira maior empresa de fast-food do Brasil. Tem um faturamento anual em torno de US$ 2,7 bilhões. Possui 14.000 funcionários, 475 lojas (sendo quase metade próprias) e foi fundada por um padeiro português, Alberto Saraiva, que não tem nenhuma ligação com a culinária do Oriente Médio.

Tudo começou em 1988 quando Alberto Saraiva recebeu a visita de um homem de origem árabe buscando um emprego na sua padaria. O homem reportou-lhe sua experiência na feitura de pratos típicos do Oriente Médio. Alberto Saraiva se interessou pelo assunto e decidiu abrir uma lanchonete e empregá-lo. A lanchonete, especializada em quibes,esfirras e beirutes, foi inaugurada na avenida Cerro Corá no bairro da Lapa em São Paulo. Caiu no agrado dos clientes pela praticidade, qualidade e preços baixos. Os habitantes da capital paulista gostam dos pratos típicos do Oriente Médio. A casa foi um sucesso e empolgou-o a abrir outras filiais na região metropolitana. Em 1991  inaugurou uma loja na rua Augusta, a primeira com atendimento 24 horas.

A diferenciação no serviço: os clientes sentam-se à mesa e são atendidos pelo garçom, com pratos e talheres; os preços competitivos; a qualidade dos produtos e a falta de luxo nas instalações; são o suporte do desenvolvimento da rede. Seu publico alvo é as pessoas de menor poder aquisitivo.

Em 1992 começou seu sistema de franquias, inaugurando a primeira loja franqueada em Santo André, região metropolitana de São Paulo. Em 1995 começou a expandir pelo interior do estado de São Paulo, com lojas próprias e franqueadas. A primeira filial foi aberta em Ribeirão Preto. Em 1996 a rede chegou à região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro.

Em 1991 a empresa diversificou suas atividades, quando inaugurou em São Caetano do Sul, na região metropolitana de São Paulo, a primeira loja Ragazzo, especializada em fast-food de comida italiana. Em 2006 abriu o franqueamento para a marca que vem expandindo bastante.

Em 2010, com a marca Box 30, inaugurou uma loja em São Judas, na capital paulista, com grande apelo popular. Seu lema é compre 30 e leve 60 salgadinhos.

O crescimento das vendas e a demanda por insumos padronizados para manter a qualidade e o preço dos produtos, levou a empresa a firmar parcerias no fornecimento de matéria prima e a investir no ramo industrial.

Em 1993 foi inaugurada uma fábrica de pães para hambúrguer, pães sírios (pita), discos para pizza, massas para esfirras/pasteis e doces para sobremesa. Atualmente produz por mês 300.000 pães para hambúrguer,1.000.000 de pães sírios, 400.000 discos de pizza, além de toda a demanda das lojas para os outros itens.

Em 1997 foi inaugurada uma indústria de derivados de leite em Promissão, interior de São Paulo, sendo atualmente a maior consumidora de leite da região. Produz queijos, requeijões, iogurtes, coalhadas etc. para abastecer todas as lojas da empresa.

Possui também uma fábrica de sorvetes que produz 2.000.000 de litros por mês.

Seguindo a filosofia das grandes redes mundiais de fast-food, em 2009 inaugurou a Universidade Habib's, que está capacitando funcionários para as lojas das empresa.

DUBAI RESTAURANT TRIED AND TASTED

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Where you can get good food without breaking the bank.


WHERE :Picante,Four Points by Sheraton Bur Dubai

WHAT'S IT LIKE: Most people associate Portuguese food with just piri-piri chicken. But this eatery, popular with Brazilians, Angolans and Portuguese - a sign that it is authentic food - features other highlights from various regions of the country. Wooden tables with a pattern of the map of Portugal, tiled floors and windows with wooden blindsin blue, beige and dark brown, and kitchen-island in the centre of the restaurant, with baskets of vegetables plonked around, give the restaurant a cosy feel.The restaurant also has an outdoor terrace, by the hotel swimming pool, which is where my partner and I enjoyed our dinner.

Even though the night was chilly, we opted fora pitcher of fruity sangria to wash down our food with. To begin with, we shared a platter of batter-fried croquettes with tender shredded beef, crusted shrimp cake with cheese oozing out, and small chicken pies.The portions are rather big, and so we shared mains as well.These included a Portuguese specialty (Bacalhau confitado with bras), a cod flllet seeped in olive oil,potato mashed with flaked cod, and dried olives. The warm mashed potato with cod was a bit salty, and while I demolished both scoops on my plate, my partner merely nibbled on it. We also shared pan-fried lamb chops - made medium rare to suit our taste - with sweet mashed potato, sautéed mushrooms, caramelised dates and jus.This was one of our favourites, as the lamb chops were juicy, while the sweet potato and dates gave it a sweet touch.For desserts, we had to try the classic Pastas de Nata - a hard shell tart with gooey custard cream that's flambèed on top - which tasted exactly like what l'd had in Portugal, and rabanadas, deep fried bread on a bed of chocolate mousse with oodles of cinnamon powder, sugar and flaked toasted almonds sprinkled over, which my partner enjoyed very much.

IF YOU WANT TO GO: Around Dhs250 for two, excluding drinks. Call 04 3977444.

By Nicola Monteath in "BBC Good Food Middle East", CPI Media Group, Dubai. Typed, adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

14 GOLDEN RULES FOR LOSING WEIGHT

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Spending hours at the gym trying to get ride of the festive bulge? Here are some expert guidelines to help you lose weight effectively as you kick-start your fitness regime.

A healthy, balanced diet combined with an exercise regime are probably one of your top resolutions. But if you are eating the wrong food, or even the right food at the wrong time, your weight loss goal could easily go astray. We got the experts to share their top rules for weight loss, to make sure you maximise the benefits from hours spent exercising.

1. GO GAGA FOR GRAPEFRUIT

Dora Ferko, body toning and pilates instructor at Real Pilates, recommends eating grapefruit before meals as the enzymes in the fruit help lower insulin levels, which in turn regulate metabolism. When your metabolism is well regulated,it helps you lose weight quicker.

2. SAY YES TO SUPERFOODS

"Consuming superfoods make you feel fuller for longer and can result in a decrease in body fat by influencing your calorie burn,"says Haitham Khalid, combination trainer at Fitness with Food,a Doha-based lifestyle training centre. Some of the most nutritious superfoods are chia seeds,acai berries,spirulina, wheatgrass, hemp seeds and cocoa nibs. The maca root is also a great superfood, as it increases stamina and energy levels.

3. TRY AGE-OLD REMEDIES

Rochelle Lubbe, executive director and founder of Amigo's sports and event consultants says the oldest, most effective method to weight management is to mix one teaspoon of natural raw honey with two tablespoons of lemon juice or 2-3 slices of lemon in a cup of hot water. Drink this every morning on an empty stomach to get rid of toxins which make the body sluggish and ineffective in fat-burning.

4. CRAVE FOR QUINOA

"Quinoa, the all-star grain belongs in every weight loss plan, as just one cup of quinoa contains eight grams of protein, five grams of fibre and iron, zinc, selenium and Vitamin E," says Shaveer Haripershad, personal trainer and coach. The low GI grain is great for those watching their weight, as it keeps you feeling full for longer and releases energy slowly.

5. COOK WITH COCONUT OIL

Extra virgin coconut oil increases metabolism and balances your sugar levels aT the same time. The saturated fats in this oil are knoWN as medium­chain triglycerides (MCT's) and are used as energy, instead of being stored as fat in the body.

6. DRINK GREEN AND WHITE TEA

The antioxidant-and  vitamin rich green tea helps promote weight loss by stimulating the body lo burn abdominal fat. lt contains a chemical known as epigallocatechin gallate (EGCG), which helps burn calories quicker. A few cups of white tea per day is also good for you as it is packed with nutrients. "it lowers blood pressure and bad cholesterol levels, increases good cholesterol levels and speeds up your metabolism levels at the same time,"says Rochelle. The higher your metabolic rate, the more energy you gain - this is effective when exercising

7. MIND YOUR EATING HABITS

Veronique Droulez, Global Nutrition Research Manager at Meat and Livestock Australia reccomends eating food slowly and with pleasure. "Only eat when you're stressed or bored. If you go off plan, just accept it and get back on it"

8. CHOOSE OILY FISH

Salmon, herring and mackerel are all low in fat, packed with poteins and hIgh in Omega-3 fatty acids. They also contain healthy fìsh oil which increase the elasticity of blood vessel walls and improve the flow of blood to muscles while exercising. Salmon also contains healthy oils which decrease leptin levels - a hormone which slows down the metabolism rate and increases weight - making ita great choice for those looking to burn fat.

9. SNACK WISELY

"Heart-healthy pine nuts contain pinolenic acid, which sends messages to your hormones, indiciating you are full" says Rochelle. A serving of pine nuts helps suppress your appetite and has iron and protein - both of which are beneficial for weight loss. Almonds, as Dora suggests, are also a good choice as they are rich in manganese, copper, magnesium, and B vitamins such riboflavin, niacin and biotin which give you energy and allow to exercise for longer. Edamame is another snack ideal for those who crave salty, savoury food, as the beans inside are packed with protein and essential fatty acids which help lower LDL and cholesterol levels, while protecting your heart as you shed the pounds.

10. ALWAYS CHOOSE LEAN, PROTEIN-RICH FOOD

"The body finds it easier to burn calories which digest protein, as opposed to those which digest fat and carbohydrates" says Kiram el Tbayli, head of the slimming department at VLCC. A diet high in protein causes substances called keteones to be released into your bloodstream. These substances lower your appetite and keep you full for longer. Always choose lean protein food such as lean beef, turkey, fish, chicken, tofu and eggs, as opposed to protein which has a hight fat content. Veronique reccomends protein-rich food such as lean meat (beef and lamb) four times a week, whichcan help you burn calories quicker it is low in fat.

11. HAVE A BOOSTER SHOT

Coffee drinkers probably already experience increased energy levels after a morning cup of coffee. Kiram suggests enjoying black coffee in moderation to help increase the metabolic rate while exercising. Anna Pettit, a fitness studio, recommends a small cup of black coffee or an espresso, pre-workout, if energy levels are low.

12. CONSUME CARBS BEFORE YOU WORK OUT

A glass of water is sufficient before a jog or a light walk. But if you're doing more intense exercises, eat easy­to-digest carbohydrates such as toast or half a plain bagel or banana, to provide fuel, says Anna."Avoid pre-workout protein bars and shakes, as some of them pack high amounts of protein but omit suffìcient carbohydrates ­ which depletes energy levels. Like fat, protein doesn't hit the bloodstream quickly, so you can feel lethargic even though you have eaten," Anna adds.

13. SPICE IT UP

"Spicy foods contain chemical compounds that can kick metabolism into a higher gear," says Kiram. Anna suggests adding chillies to dishes, as it has a compound calied capsaicin which has a thermogenic effect - causes the body to burn extra calories for 20 minutes after eating the chillis.

14. INCLUDE HEALTHY FATS IN YOUR DIET

"Monounsaturated fatty acids are used as sloW burning energy in the body. this energy and the feeling of satiety that you get from eating fruits like avocado, which are packed with fibre and protein, is one of the reasons why healthy fats are good," says nutritionist Hala Barghout. Stick to quarter or half of an avocado a day - it has a high calorie count - but do keep in mind the other calories and fat content eaten as well, to balance out your total calorie intake. Peanut butter is also a great source of monounsaturated fats, and is a healthy alternative to regular butter.Choose low or reduced-fat options of peanut butter and enjoy it on wholegrain toast or with a celery stick as a snack.

By Nicola Monteath in "BBC Good Food Middle East", CPI Media Group, Dubai. Typed, adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

COFFEE, A CONDENSED HISTORY

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Ottoman Empire coffee cup
Studying the history of coffee is a lot like barista training; the more you learn, the more you realize you don’t know. Coffee involves so many fields and subdisciplines —agricultural, business, consumption, cultural, diplomatic, development, economic, environmental, food, gender, geographical, political, religious, rural, social, technology, trade, just to mention those discussed in the chapters of this section — that any attempt to provide an overall guide to the subject must be highly selective. The chapters that follow offer a selection of just how diverse the approaches to coffee history can be.

Coffee has always been a transnational, indeed transcontinental industry, but the focus of both production and consumption of the bean, naturally intimately linked, have shifted significantly over the centuries. One of the more surprising features of the history of coffee is how often the ties between producers and suppliers have been recast. Here we provide a brief history of the bean’s progress from its first known appearance in the Red Sea region to today’s global trade

THE WINE OF ISLAM

Ethiopia is commonly considered the birthplace of coffee. Here Coffea arabica still grows wild in highland forests. As Willem Boot’s contribution notes, many myths have arisen about how humans discovered the possibilities of coffee as a beverage. What does seem clear is that the Oromo people, a Muslim tribe from the regions of Sidamo, Kaffa, and Jimmah, began simmering the desiccated cherry husks from the coffee plant in boiling water for around fifteen minutes, producing a hot infusion known as buno in the local language and qishr in Arabic. Coffee was not initially farmed for this purpose; the husks were simply scavenged from the wild. Across the Red Sea on the Arabian peninsula, the Sufi movement, a mystical Muslim sect, was winning more followers, particularly in what is now Yemen. The Sufis held all-night vigils known as dhikers, during which they would consume a concoction called qahwa as part of their devotions. It seems that their drink of choice originally took the form of kafta, an infusion prepared from the leaves of the hallucinogenic plant known as khat (kat, gat) but that at some point during the fifteenth century, this was superseded by qishr. Several accounts record that this change occurred on the suggestion of a mufti known as Muhammad al-Dhabani (died 1470) who had travelled in Ethiopia and noted that qishr helped overcome feelings of fatigue (a problem for Sufi worshippers who had to return to their jobs during the day). He recommended that, during any shortage of khat, qishr could be substituted in qahwa.1

The Sufis spread knowledge of this new form of qahwa up the Arabian peninsula to the holy cities of Mecca, Jeddah, and Medina and eventually to Cairo, the center of the Mameluk empire, where it was recorded being used by Yemeni students at the Al-Azhar Islamic university during the 1500s.

A key turning point occurred in 1511 when the governor of Mecca, having dispersed a nighttime gathering of men on the grounds of the mosque drinking qahwa (presumably Sufis at prayer), subsequently coerced the city’s religious leaders into ruling that consuming qahwa was un-Islamic because it promoted intoxication. The judgment was referred to the authorities in Cairo but was overruled, effectively giving the green light to coffee consumption.2 It is likely that the real intention of Mecca’s governor had been to indirectly attack the taverns that served alcohol to non-Muslims but claimed to provide coffee for the devout. Instead the coffeehouse was legitimized as a secular meeting place for Muslims, where men could meet as equals and be entertained by storytellers and musicians, including veiled female singers.

Following the Ottoman conquest of the Mameluk Sultanate in 1517, qahwa spread around the eastern regions of the Mediterranean, known as the Levant, with the first coffeehouse opening in Istanbul, the Ottoman capital in 1554. During this process coffee acquired the Turkish name kahve.

The preparation process also appears to have changed during this journey. While the original qishr involved using the whole of the husk, only beans were used by the time the drink reached northern Arabia and Egypt. Beans would be lightly toasted in a pan before being cooled, crushed, and mixed with spices, notably cardamom, and then cooked with water for some time in a closed pot with a long spout (jamana), before being served as a semi-translucent light brown liquor. By the time kahve reached Turkey, however, the beans were being blackened over a fire, then ground into a fine powder using a mill. The results were placed in an ibrik, a wide-bottomed open pot with a narrowing neck and broader rim, to which water was added and the liquid boiled and re-boiled several times. This produced the beverage that a Turkish poet described as “the negro enemy of sleep and love.” The differences between Arabian and Turkish (or Mediterranean) coffee can be observed side by side in contemporary Lebanon, where the Muslim population still drink the former, the Christian the latter.3

The demand for coffee was originally met from shipments from the port of Zeila, now on the border of Somalia and Djibouti. It was added to cargoes of spices from India and off-loaded at ports on the Red Sea where the beverage had been adopted—the first recorded shipment being to the Sinai peninsula in 1497. This trade came under the control of the Banyans, a Gujarati merchant caste that dominated shipping throughout the Indian Ocean.4

The Banyans also operated credit networks, and it seems likely that they funded the planting of coffee by Yemeni peasants among the subsistence crops that they grew on terraces surrounding the mountain villages of the interior. Established in the 1540s, these remained the sole source of cultivated coffee for the next 150 years. The beans eventually arrived at Bayt-al-Faqih on the coastal plain, where they were warehoused prior to dispatch to the ports of Mocha and Hudaydah in Yemen for shipping. Although it was actually Hudaydah that supplied the internal needs of the Ottoman empire, Mocha became known as the principal port for coffee, as it supplied the needs of the rest of the Muslim world, especially the settlements surrounding the Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea, and Indian Ocean.

Mocha’s position at the center of the spice trade also made it the logical place for European traders returning from the East Indies to try to acquire coffee directly, beginning in the early eighteenth century. However, the volumes available remained low, and it could take months to purchase sufficient stock to fill a ship’s hold. As consumption in the European continent increased, it was almost inevitable that alternative sources of supply were established, leaving Mocha to decline, at the same time that much of the Muslim world shifted its preference from coffee to tea. Yemeni coffee remains a rarity today with output constrained by both geography and politics. Ethiopia, however, began cultivating coffee in the late nineteenth century and remains one of the most popular African origins.

THE EXTRA-EUROPEAN COFFEE CULTURE

Coffee was first noted in non-Ottoman Europe in 1575 when an inquiry into the murder of a Turkish merchant in Venice recorded the presence of coffee apparatus among his possessions. Although émigrés from the Ottoman empire, frequently Greek or Armenian Christians, spread coffee to other lands, and it appears to have been prescribed by apothecaries for certain ailments, no real takeoff in foreign consumption occurred until the 1650s. It was then that the first coffeehouses began to appear in England.

Coffee arrived in Europe together with two other hot beverages, tea and chocolate, at roughly the same time. They all had stimulating, not stultifying, characteristics. But each beverage acquired certain cultural connotations that strongly affected its diffusion.5 Chocolate entered Spain in 1585, a result of the Spanish conquest of the Mayan peoples of southern Mexico. It became popular as a breakfast beverage among the Spanish aristocracy and later spread to Austria and France. It was seen as a medicinal, nourishing beverage due to its high fat content, one particularly beneficial to women.6 Tea was likewise regarded as more feminine, particularly in those societies such as England where coffee had become closely associated with the male environs of the coffeehouse.7 Tea’s triumph within the British Isles was complete when it was adopted as the beverage of the working classes from the second half of the eighteenth century; as the anthropologist Sidney Mintz has argued, it was the combination of tea with sugar that fuelled the industrial revolution by delivering energy boosts to the workforce without interrupting production.8

Yet coffee gradually conquered the continent, coming to be seen as a signifier of respectability among the bourgeois households that adopted it. Breakfast changed from a meal based around a grain porridge washed down with beer or wine to one centered on a sugared hot drink plus bread. J. S. Bach’s Coffee Cantata (1732–34) may have been intended to poke fun at the fad for the drink, but its libretto featured three generations of women falling for the charms of coffee, which they held to be “lovelier than a thousand kisses, sweeter far than muscatel wine.” These phrases clearly echoed common sentiments. Leading authors meanwhile made extensive use of coffee to spur on their creativity; Voltaire reputedly consumed some forty cups a day in the Parisian cafés that doubled as artistic salons. By the end of the eighteenth century, during which Europe’s population grew by around 50 percent, coffee consumption is estimated to have risen from 2 million to 120 million pounds, significantly faster than tea (1 to 40 million pounds) and eclipsing chocolate (2 to 13 million pounds).9

The first signs that coffee drinking was acquiring an audience beyond the elite classes came in the Netherlands, where the proportion of the sales of the Dutch East India Company (VOC, from its name in Dutch) derived from tea and coffee rose from just over 4 percent at the end of the seventeenth century to just under 25 percent at the end of the 1730s. In terms of revenue generated this amounted to a 1,312-fold increase, a figure that does not capture the full extent in the increase of tea and coffee imported via Amsterdam, given that unit prices fell significantly over this period. Extensive research into probate records confirms that the habit of coffee drinking spread deep into Dutch society; many poor households possessed coffee paraphernalia. A commentator remarked in 1726 that coffee “had broken through so generally in our land that maids and seamstresses now had to have their coffee in the morning or they could not put their thread through the eye of their needle.”10

Demand was both met and stimulated by the establishment of commercial coffee cultivation in Java. Coffee was probably previously planted in the Malabar region of India, then brought by the Dutch to Java. That island became the first origin to compete against Mocha in the world market. Once shipments to Amsterdam became regular following the bumper harvest of 1711, it did not take long for production to surpass Yemen’s. Whereas in 1721 90 percent of the coffee sold in Amsterdam came from Mocha, by 1726 Java supplied 90 percent of the beans.11

The quality of Javanese coffee was generally held to be lower than Mocha, but then so was the price the Dutch paid for it. The VOC operated by obliging the lord of a community to provide the company with a fixed amount of coffee, for which it paid a predetermined price. The lord in turn required his subjects to produce coffee as part of the tribute they paid to him. This system provided little incentive to invest in growing better coffee at any point in the chain, and the trees were often cultivated poorly on land ill-suited for the purpose. The lower quality of the Java helps explain the appearance of the world’s first coffee blend, Mocha Java, in which the acidity of the Mocha added flavor to the body of the Java. The cheaper Java also helped to keep down the price of the blend.

Java’s dominance of world trade did not last long, however. The VOC also planted coffee in the Dutch Latin American colony of Guiana (today Suriname) in 1712 and started shipping it back to Amsterdam in 1718. Meanwhile the French East India company introduced coffee to the island of Bourbon (now Réunion) in 1715. Profits made from coffee were such that the company granted the French state a monopoly of all production in 1723 and declared that it would repossess all the concessions it had granted on which coffee was not grown. In both Guiana and, especially, Bourbon, cultivation was carried out on large plantations that used African slave labor.12

The French also transplanted coffee plants to their Caribbean territories, notably St. Domingue (now Haiti) in 1715 and Martinique in 1723. Coffee growing took second place to sugar production, however, and in St. Domingue was principally cultivated on the remoter hillsides by people of color, with the island’s settler elite forming the major market for the beans.13 However, in the latter part of the century, coffee farming became more intensive and export-oriented, shifting to a slave-based plantation system. In 1767 coffee revenues in St. Domingue were only a quarter of those of sugar, yet between 1787 and 1789 they were of roughly equal value, making St. Domingue easily the largest coffee-exporting origin in the world, with the French colonies as a whole generating over two-thirds of the world supply.

This growth in exports was closely linked to the expansion of domestic consumption in France. The combination of coffee with warm milk in the form of café au lait created a beverage sufficiently close to chocolate in its sweetness and calorific value to become the new breakfast favorite.14 Recipes using coffee frequently appeared in French cookbooks after the 1730s. By the late eighteenth century, even the lowest classes were drinking a version of café au lait, doubtless adulterated, to start their day. Indeed, the sans culottes, the urban radicals of 1789–94, included demands for more access to coffee in their manifestos at the start of the revolution.15

Inspired by events in France, St. Domingue’s slaves staged their own revolution in 1791, leading to a civil war that lasted until 1804, when the black-led Haitian Republic was declared. Coffee production was dramatically disrupted during the conflict, and the new state failed to recapture the markets it had lost. The plantations were mostly broken up and coffee was either cultivated on small mountainous plots or simply scavenged from the surviving trees.

The demise of St. Domingue’s coffee created opportunities for other producers. Asian production revived in Java and also Ceylon (today Sri Lanka), where the Dutch had introduced coffee as a garden crop to be grown by the Sinhalese people. When the British gained control of the entire island after 1815, they moved to intensify coffee production on the lines of the plantation system operating in West Indian sugarcane fields. Although some local entrepreneurs acquired plantations, ownership remained largely among European settlers, frequently colonial officials themselves. By the 1860s, Ceylon had become the largest coffee exporter in the world.16

In 1869, however, coffee leaf rust fungus, Hemelia vastatrix, hit the Ceylon plantations. Over the next forty years it spread to points as far apart as Samoa in the Pacific and Cameroon in West Africa. Coffee cultivation in the colonial economies of Africa and Asia was devastated, with their overall share of world output dropping from 33 percent at the time of the outbreak to just 5 percent in 1914. In Ceylon during the 1870s, planters abandoned coffee cultivation and switched to tea. Experiments with alternative species of coffee led other producing regions, notably those in West Africa and contemporary Indonesia, to replant with the hardier robusta species.

For Europe too, its time at the center of the coffee economy was over. Consumption continued to rise, not least in regions such as Germany, which had come late to coffee, having been held back by several factors: the desire of rulers such as Frederick the Great of Prussia to protect homegrown products (in this instance beer) and the value to the treasury of state monopolies on both the importing and later roasting of coffee, policed by agents known as “coffee sniffers” during the later eighteenth century.17 However, just as the Latin American nations were to usurp the position of the colonial producers within the world markets, North America overtook Europe as the principal importer of coffee, as it developed into a mass consumer society, embraced by European immigrants in search of a better lifestyle that might, among many other things, offer them the chance to drink more coffee.

A NEW WORLD OF COFFEE

The old notion that America became a nation of coffee drinkers in the wake of the Boston Tea Party of 1773 is effectively laid to rest in the chapter “Why Americans Drink Coffee.” Britain’s colonies were not just the major source of American tea but also, through British possessions in the Caribbean, the primary origin of American imports of coffee. As Topik and McDonald explain, the thirteen American colonies adopted an embargo on British tea and coffee from the Caribbean in 1774. The Revolutionary War further disrupted supply from British holdings. The new United States turned for coffee to St. Domingue, then Cuba, and finally Brazil in the mid-nineteenth century.

Yet imports did not solely assuage some great American thirst for caffeine. Instead, coffee had become a key part in America’s re-export trade with Europe, the final destination of well over half the coffee that entered the U.S. in the 1800s. The Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company (note that the word coffee is not in the name), founded in New York in 1859, became the first truly national grocery store chain by the late nineteenth century, yet carried little coffee. Even in the early 1880s, the number of cups of coffee brewed in the U.S. was probably roughly equivalent to those of tea. It was only as increasing numbers of immigrants arrived from Europe, bringing not so much a taste for coffee as the cultural aspiration to be able to afford it, that consumption really took off.

The vast bulk of the new supply of coffee to the U.S. came from Brazil, as “Why Americans Drink Coffee” shows. Other Latin American states also expanded their output to fill the gap left by the ravages of coffee rust in Africa and Asia, but they were unable to compete with Brazil’s commodity approach based on volume of outputs; they instead relied on quality to differentiate their offering — none more so than Colombia, whose high-grown Colombian milds were prized for blending with the Brazilian naturals to add flavor. By acting collectively to control the stocks in world circulation, Latin American states were able to promote price stability, enabling them to plan investments more rationally while providing an assured return to farmers. This approach started with the Brazilian “valorisation” of 1906 and culminated in the establishment of the International Coffee Organization (ICO) in 1962, which assigned export quotas to its members.

America meanwhile had evolved into the first mass market for coffee. During the Civil War, branding and packaging began to develop together, so that American housewives no longer simply bought green coffee, often from an open barrel in a general store, perhaps placed next to fragrant fish or pickles. The big American coffee companies, Arbuckles, Folgers, and Hills Brothers, began as small operations, often in the western states and territories. As the railroads spread to every town in the land, as printing techniques evolved to permit first color drawings and then photographs, and as the mass market magazines emerged, Americans purchased more and more packaged coffee, either green or roasted. Advertising in popular magazines reinforced the notion that the way that American housewives prepared and served coffee was an important marker of their status and value in and outside the home.18

To all this there was a dark side, sometimes a vicious one. For some three or four decades, beginning in the early 1930s, coffee advertisements fairly regularly featured violence by males against women. Such ads were supposed to be funny, but a hot cup of coffee thrown in the face no longer seems amusing.

Even if ads did not directly promote violence against inept wives, inferior coffee in the home was depicted as threatening many a postwar marriage, while correct preparation could guarantee domestic peace or even land a man in the first place. Mrs. Olson came to the rescue of clueless — but always white and gorgeous — homemakers in these ads, which ran for twenty-one years beginning in the early 1960s.19 It’s easy to make good coffee, she would tell distressed young women. Just use Folgers—“It’s mountain grown!” — as though other coffee grew in swamps.

Aside from what these ads tell us about gender roles during the first six or seven decades of the twentieth century, they also point to coffee’s centrality in American life in that period, when sales of coffee in the U.S. frequently accounted for over 50 percent of world trade, with per capita consumption reaching record levels immediately on either side of the Second World War. The ads also reveal an increasing concentration of coffee into the hands of a few large roasters, able to contest the mass market within the most popular channels of communication. By the 1950s the five largest roasters in the U.S. roasted over one-third of all coffee and controlled 78 percent of all stocks, supplying the remainder as green to grocery chains to roast for their own store blends.20

THE GLOBAL BEVERAGE

Starting in the 1930s, the American grocery sector changed from shelves accessible only to clerks, who handed packages and cans to patrons, into self-service supermarkets. The new alignment came to dominate the distribution channel for coffee and led in turn to a transformation of the structures of the coffee industry; the major food conglomerates who supplied the new outlets purchased the leading coffee brands (and associated companies). As this retail revolution was exported to the rest of the globe, an elite group of multinational giants came to dominate the world market, buying up the major brands in each region.21 By 1998, the Big Five—Phillip Morris (now part of Kraft), Nestle, Sara Lee, Proctor and Gamble (which has since sold its coffee business to Smucker’s), and Tchibo—accounted for 69 percent of global coffee sales.22

Their common business formula was based on a combination of high volume and low pricing, designed to attract customers confronted with a wide choice of products. Although some brands were positioned as premium, they made little reference to origins, not least because in order to maintain the volumes of output, it was necessary to constantly adjust the blends to fit with available coffee. As more robusta became available at lower prices, it inevitably found its way into these blends, with roasters relying on a combination of consumer ignorance and thrift to shift their products.

A series of innovations in the first half of the twentieth century combined to dramatically extend product ranges. Ludwig Roselius of Hamburg first perfected a decaffeination process in 1903. He created the Kaffee Hag brand in 1906 (marketed in France and the United States under the name Sanka, from the French sans caféine), before the label was sold to General Foods in the 1920s and subsequently to Kraft. Melitta Bentz, a housewife from Dresden, patented the filter paper system in 1908 that still bears her name. This technique prevented any coffee grounds from ending up in the cup, in contrast to a typical outcome when using linen bag filters in the coffee pot, the principal method of domestic brewing over the previous two centuries. Not only did this improve the appearance of the coffee and give a sense that it had been “cleaned” of impurities, it also reduced preparation time.

Such time saving was taken to a new level with the launch of the first soluble (or “instant”) coffee, Nescafé, produced by the Swiss giant Nestle in 1938. Soluble sales took off in the 1950s and were further boosted once the original spray-dried techniques were superseded by freeze-drying as utilized in the premium “Gold Blend” brand launched in the late 1960s, known as “Taster’s Choice” in the U.S. The costs of production equipment for both decaffeinated and instant coffee are such that producing it is only undertaken in large-scale specialist plants. Instant coffee was particularly successful in the UK, where it was adopted as an easier beverage to brew than tea during the advertising breaks on the newly launched commercial television network. Even today soluble in the UK still constitutes an estimated 80 percent of the at-home market, while soluble accounts for around 40 percent of total world coffee consumption.23

The decline in per capita coffee consumption in the U.S. from the 1950s onward has often been blamed on the “mass marketers.” Trish Rothgeb dubbed these figures the “first wavers,” who had “made bad coffee commonplace... who created low quality instant solubles ... who blended away all the nuance ... who forced prices to an all-time low!”24 As Kenneth Davids shows in “The Competing Languages of Coffee,” this was in many ways typical of an early discourse within the specialty coffee movement, which aimed to educate consumers about coffee and raise their perception of quality, at least to the point that they understood coffee came from a tree, not a can!

In order to introduce customers to specialty coffee, dedicated entrepreneurs turned to another innovation intended to speed up the brewing process, albeit in bars, the espresso machine. As Jonathan Morris recounts in “The Espresso Menu,” the first pressure brewing machine to enter into production was the 1905 Ideale. However, the espresso rules were effectively rewritten by Achille Gaggia in 1948, who developed a machine with a spring-loaded piston that delivered shots under high pressures, topped with crema.

Espresso-based drinks, such as cappuccino and caffè latte, albeit often prepared to very different recipes than in Italy, were used by the U.S. specialty coffee movement to tempt people into their shops. From this start was born the format that spawned Starbucks and its host of imitators. When the Specialty Coffee Association of America was formed in 1982, only forty people attended its first meeting. By 1998, the SCAA estimates, there were “10,000 operating units” serving specialty coffee in America. In 2005, the estimate was 20,000, a figure that includes Starbucks and other chains selling better-than-grocery-store coffee.25

In 1994, Starbucks began to take its formula abroad, starting with Japan, and now has some 15,000 stores in over 50 countries. In Europe another version of the speciality (note the additional “i”) coffee movement emerged in Scandinavia, giving birth to what became the World Barista Championship. The commercial element of these trends was the reproduction of the coffee shop format; the UK market, for example, has grown from 371 branded coffee-houses serving premium (that is, espresso-based) beverages in 1997 to 4,907 in 2011.26

This highly visible expression of consumer culture coincided with a crisis in producer countries, as prices on the world coffee market reached new lows at the turn of the millennium. The average price of exported coffee in U.S. cents per pound fell from 74 in 1999–2000 to 43 in 2001–2. Within the industry this was widely blamed on the demise of the International Coffee Agreement (ICA) in 1989, a result of political pressures for market liberalization from the U.S. in particular. The end of the ICA and its export quotas assisted in creating a glut of robusta from nontraditional origins such as Vietnam. The oversupply forced the price of all coffee down to the point that producers claimed it was impossible for them to cover their costs. Starbucks in particular found itself the target of denunciations of exploitation and unfair practices in the coffee trade, both by demonstrators during the riots that accompanied the meeting of the World Trade Organisation in Seattle in 1999 and in films such as Black Gold (2007), whose director freely admitted that he focused upon the chain because “the average person on the street can’t see Nestle or Kraft—they’re not as in your face.”27 The crisis also spurred interest in ethical certification programs like Fair Trade USA, Fairtrade International, and Rainforest Alliance.

In recent years, however, coffee export prices have again started to rise, reaching 125 cents per pound in 2009–10 and going above 300 in April 2011, a reversal usually ascribed to rising demand from new markets in which the coffee shop format has taken hold. The potential for growth in traditional tea-drinking regions such as Russia and China, where the economic elite have already switched to coffee as a status beverage, may be game-changing within the industry. However, the trend is most powerful in producer countries that formerly displayed little interest in the final product. In India, for example, the locally owned company Café Coffee Day, which first opened in 1996, expanded to some 1,270 outlets by 2012 and, significantly, became part of a vertically integrated holding company that also operates its own coffee estates.28 Brazil, meanwhile, is no longer merely the world’s biggest coffee producer but has suddenly become the second largest consumer nation in the world, behind only the U.S., with growth predicted to continue at an average of 3–5 percent per annum for the coming years, significantly higher than either Europe or North America.29 The U.S. has virtually stagnated in consumption, even while the number of coffee shops continues to grow. Does this portend yet another profound shift in the nature of the world coffee trade? The next few years will tell.

NOTES

1. Ralph S. Hattox, Coffee and Coffee Houses. The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle: University of Washington Press,1985), 11–29.
2. Hattox, Coffee and Coffee Houses, 29–45.
3. Vittorio Castellani aka Chef Kumalé, Coffee Roots (Turin: Lavazza, 2006), gives a good account of coffee in the Middle East today.
4. Michel Tuchscherer, “Coffee in the Red Sea Area from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century,” in The Global Coffee Economy in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, 1500–1989, ed. William Gervase Clarence-Smith and Steven Topik (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 50–66, provides the best account of the organization of the trade.
5. Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise. A Social History of Spices, Stimulants and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York: Vintage, 1993), 15–96.
6. Sarah Moss and Alexander Badenoch, Chocolate: A Global History (London: Reaktion Books, 2009).
7. Helen Saberi, Tea: A Global History (London: Reaktion, 2010).
8. Sidney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985), 214.
9. Jordan Goodman, “Excitantia: Or How Enlightenment Europe Took to Soft Drugs” in Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology, ed. Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy, and Andrew Sherratt (London: Routledge, 1995), 126.
10. Anne E. C. McCants, “Poor consumers as global consumers: The diffusion of tea and coffee drinking in the eighteenth century,” Economic History Review 61 (2008): 177.
11. Steven Topik, “The Integration of the World Coffee Market” in Clarence-Smith and Topik, Global Coffee Economy, 28.
12. Gwyn Campbell, “The Origins and Development of Coffee Production in Réunion and Madagascar, 1711–1972” in Clarence-Smith and Topik, Global Coffee Economy, 67–71.
13. Steven Topik, “The World Coffee Market in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries from Colonial to National Regimes,” LSE eprint Working Paper 04/04, London, 2004, 16. Available at http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/22489.
14. Julia Landweber, “Domesticating the ‘queen of beans’: How old regime France learned to love coffee,” World History Bulletin 26, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 10–12.
15. Colin Jones and Rebecca Spang, “Sans Culottes, sans Café, sans Tabac: Shifting Realms of Necessity and Luxury in Eighteenth Century France,” in Consumers and Luxury: Consumer Culture in Europe 1650–1850, ed. Maxine Berg and Helen Clifford (Manchester: Manchester University Press,1999), 37–62.
16. Rachel Kurian, “Labour, Race and Gender on the Coffee Plantations in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1834–1880,” in Clarence-Smith and Topik, Global Coffee Economy, 173–90.
17. Alan Weinberg and Bonnie K. Bealer, The World of Caffeine: The Science and Culture of the World’s Most Popular Drug (New York: Routledge, 2001), 86–87.
18. Jackson Lears, Fables of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America (New York: Basic Books, 1994); Leigh Summers, Bound to Please: A History of the Victorian Corset (New York: Berg, 2001); and Lori Anne Loeb, Consuming Angels: Advertising and Victorian Women (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).
19. Los Angeles Times, July 25, 1996, http://articles.latimes.com/1996-07-25/news/mn-27699_1 _virginia-christine, accessed July 1, 2011.
20. Topik, “The Integration of the World Coffee Market,” 46.
21. On this process see Victoria de Grazia, Irresistible Empire. America’s Advance Through 20th-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005).
22. Benoit Daviron and Stefano Ponte, The Coffee Paradox. Global Markets, Commodity Trade and the Elusive Promise of Development (London: Zed Books, 2005), 92.
23. See Benfield, “United Kingdom,” this volume, and Howard Schultz, Onward: How Starbucks Fought for Its Life without Losing Its Soul (New York: Rodale, 2011), 252.
24. Trish R. Skeie (Rothgeb), “Norway and Coffee,” The Flamekeeper, Newsletter of the Roasters Guild, Spring 2003.
25. https://www.scaa.org/?page=history, accessed May 20, 2012.
26. Allegra Strategies, Project Cafe11 UK (London: Allegra Strategies, 2011).
27. J. Dawson, “Wake Up and Smell the Coffee,” The Sunday Times (London), June 3, 2007, Culture Section, 1.0.
28. http://cafecoffeeday.com, accessed 24 May 2012.
29. “Brazil: Sara Lee sees consumption growing by 3–5% annually,” Comunicaffè (ejournal), Milan, May 





In "Coffee : A Comprehensive Guide to the Bean, the Beverage, and the Industry", edited by Robert W. Thurston, Jonathan Morris, and Shawn Steiman, Rowman & Littlefield,UK, 2013, excerpts pp.215-225. Adapted and edited to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

"PODRÃO" FIFA - CARROCINHAS DE LANCHES DO MARACANÁ

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UMA RONDA PELAS CARROCINHAS QUE VENDEM LANCHES NOS ARREDORES DO MARACANÃ.



O molho de cebola é o segredo do sucesso do cachorro-quente servido há 18 anos no Ponto de Encontro, quiosque instalado às margens da Avenida Maracanã, na Tijuca.

— O molho desse podrão é top — elogia o freguês Erick Stofanelli, de 36 anos, que na última sexta-feira comia um “completão” ao lado da filha Nicole, de 8. — Por ela, jantávamos cachorro-quente todos as noites aqui.

Além de molho de cebola, milho, ervilha, passas, azeitona, queijo ralado, batata palha e maionese são tópicos opcionais do “podrão” mais famoso do entorno do Maracanã, estádio onde será disputada a final da Copa do Mundo. Para recheio, o cliente escolhe entre salsicha ou linguiça. Custa R$ 6.

— Podrão bom é podrão para comer se lambuzando — delicia-se a estudante universitária Bruna Cardoso, de 21 anos, que só dispensa a maionese e as passas.

Outros podrões que colecionam fãs no entorno do estádio (ou arena, no jargão Fifa) são os vendidos nas vans que todas as noites estacionam na Rua São Francisco Xavier e salvam a turma boêmia com o lanche da madrugada.

— Mas a Guarda Municipal já avisou que não vamos poder trabalhar aqui em dias de jogo da Copa no Maracanã — lamenta uma funcionária, que trabalha há nove anos vendendo cachorro-quente na São Francisco Xavier.

Procurada pela Revista O GLOBO, a Secretaria Municipal de Ordem Pública (Seop) informou, por meio de sua assessoria de imprensa, que as carrocinhas de cachorro-quente não podem parar ali em dias de jogo e nem em qualquer outro dia, “pois não têm autorização”.

Além disso, nos dias dos sete jogos que vão acontecer no Maracanã, entre 15 de junho e 13 de julho, as ruas no entorno do estádio serão fechadas quatro horas antes do início da partida. Mas o Ponto de Encontro está a salvo.

Localizado em frente ao acesso do Shopping Tijuca, o quiosque funcionará normalmente, pois, depois de anos como carrocinha, Antônio Celso Faria, o Neno, ganhou alvará para construir, com cimento e tijolos, um estabelecimento na Avenida Maracanã. Hoje, o negócio é comandado por sua filha Simone, de 40 anos:

— Estou com tendinite de tanto cortar cebola. Já tentei usar máquina, mas para o molho ficar bom o trabalho tem que ser manual — diz a herdeira, que prepara o molho em casa diariamente.

Enquanto sobra recheio nos podrões da rua, dentro do estádio o lanche é minimalista. Será vendido, a R$ 9, o tradicional Geneal — que é só pão e salsicha, com ketchup e mostarda em sachês.

**********

ITAQUERÃO - VOLTA AO MUNDO NO ‘HOT DOG’

Palco do primeiro jogo da Copa, o estádio Itaquerão, na Zona Leste de São Paulo, tem nos arredores um “dogão” turbinado. É do tipo que enche os olhos de uns e embrulha o estômago de outros. O carro-chefe da W Dog é o Brasileiro, uma feijoada completa em forma de cachorro-quente. Com direito a feijão, couve, farofa de banana, molho a campanha e linguiça arrumados num pão colorido artificialmente de verde e amarelo.

— Lancei o sabor especialmente para a Copa. A produção do “pão das nações” é complexa, mas o resultado valeu o esforço — comemora o empresário Wesley Machado, que cobra R$ 15 pelo Brasileiro no seu W Dog, quiosque em frente ao acesso ao Shopping Metrô Itaquera.

No cardápio especial da Copa, há ainda outros seis sabores temáticos: o Americano (com cheddar e molho barbecue), o Mexicano (com guacamole e molho chilli), o Italiano (com polpetone e manjericão), o Japonês (com hot roll e gergelim), o Alemão (com purê de batata e chucrutes) e o Argentino (com pimentão amarelo e molho chimichurri). — Trabalhamos por nove meses até elaborar esses sabores — diz Wesley.

Texto de Joana Dale publicado na "Revista O Globo" de"O Globo" de 8 de junho de 2014. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.


BÁRBAROS E ROMANOS

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Como acabar com um grande império.

RESUMO 

Em trilogia de livros, o historiador britânico Peter Heather defende que a culpa pela queda do Império Romano recai sobre ele mesmo. Foram as inovações romanas que, levadas aos povos vizinhos, possibilitaram que pequenos grupos tribais se transformassem em grandes coalizões com poder centralizado.

Em uma das muitas piadas antológicas do filme “A Vida de Brian” (1979), sátira dos Evangelhos do grupo britânico Monty Python, revolucionários judeus fazem uma reunião para planejar a luta contra o Império Romano.“Afinal,o que é que os romanos fizeram por nós?”, pergunta retoricamente o chefe do grupo. “Os aquedutos”, diz um. “O saneamento básico”, lembra outro. “E as estradas”, aponta um terceiro.E se,na vida real,os avanços materiais trazidos pelo poderio de Roma fossem a principal explicação para o fim do império?

É mais ou menos o que argumenta o historiador britânico Peter Heather, do King’s College de Londres, numa trilogia de livros (ainda que sem citar diretamente o esquete de seus conterrâneos). O foco das obras não está propriamente nos aquedutos e nas estradas construídas dentro das fronteiras imperiais, mas na influência de Roma sobre seus vizinhos europeus, que os romanos, à maneira grega, chamavam de bárbaros.

Sintetizando uma gama impressionante de dados arqueológicos e relatos históricos, Heather argumenta que a presença das legiões logo ali,do outro lado da fronteira, serviu como catalisador de transformações econômicas, políticas e militares de larga escala na Europa “bárbara”.O dinheiro e a manipulação política dos césares teriam sido os principais responsáveis por transformar pequenas unidades tribais em coalizões étnicas de larga escala, com liderança centralizada, fortes o suficiente para abrir buracos na armadura do império e, finalmente, fragmentá-lo.

As obras de Heather, bem como outros livros recentes, também deixam claro que esse processo não foi algo inexorável nem pode ser dado como concluído em 4 de setembro de 476, data convencionalmente considerada como o fim do Império Romano do Ocidente (quando o imperador - menino Rômulo Augústulo foi deposto pelo líder “bárbaro” Odoacro).

Para começo de conversa, como a expressão “do Ocidente” deixa claro, as regiões mais ricas, populosas e culturalmente importantes do império — a Grécia, o Egito, a Síria e a Ásia Menor (atual Turquia) — ficavam a leste da Itália, e essas áreas continuaram nas mãos de Constantinopla (hoje, Istambul), a sede do Império Romano do Oriente, depois de 476. No século 6º, os “romanos do Oriente” (termo que os historiadores de hoje preferem a simplesmente “bizantinos”) reconquistaram a Itália,boa parte da África do Norte e trechos da Espanha, chegando a refazer parte da unidade imperial perdida.

Mais importante ainda, mesmo os reinos bárbaros que sucederam Roma no Ocidente continuaram a operar segundo padrões culturais e políticos que eram basicamente romanos, inclusive reconhecendo, ainda que apenas nominalmente, a supremacia dos imperadores remanescentes em Constantinopla.

REVOLUÇÃO VERDE

Em dois de seus livros,“The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians” [Oxford University Press, 580 págs.] (A queda do Império Romano: uma nova história de Roma e dos bárbaros) e “Empires and Barbarians: Migration,Development and the Birth of Europe” [Oxford University Press, 752 págs.] (Impérios e bárbaros:migração,desenvolvimento e o nascimento da Europa), Heather argumenta que os séculos de convivência entre romanos e seus vizinhos “bárbaros” de língua germânica, separados do Império pelos rios Reno e Danúbio, acabaram forjando adversários muitos mais formidáveis do poderio imperial. forjando adversários muitos mais formidáveis do poderio imperial.

Uma comparação detalhada entre os territórios germânicos no século 1º d.C., a era dos primeiros césares, e a situação da área 250 anos depois, quando as grandes invasões bárbaras estavam prestes a virar rotina, indica que áreas onde antes podiam ser identificados dezenas (se não centenas) de grupos tribais diferentes agora estavam sob a égide de 10 ou 15 deles.

Achados arqueológicos dão uma pista do que pode ter acontecido para que se chegasse a esse resultado. O primeiro dado importante é que a agricultura da antiga Germânia parece ter se tornado muito mais produtiva, com uso intensivo de esterco para fertilização, integração entre pecuária e plantio de cereais e técnicas para revolver as camadas mais profundas do solo — coisas que não faziam parte do repertório daquelas pequenas comunidades antes do estabelecimento da fronteira imperial nos rios Reno e Danúbio.

A hipótese mais razoável para explicar o repentino interesse dos germanos na produção agrícola intensiva é a demanda (tanto pacífica, comercial,quanto mais agressiva, na forma de tributos) gerada pela presença das legiões e das cidades romanas na fronteira.Tanto é assim que ouro e prata de origem mediterrânea passam a figurar cada vez mais nos assentamentos do lado germânico da linha Reno-Danúbio ao longo desse período.

A história que os dados arqueológicos contam, entretanto, não é simplesmente a de uma pacífica expansão agrícola. Além de metais preciosos, espadas e armaduras de fabricação romana passam a ser importados maciçamente por senhores da guerra germânicos.

E os túmulos de alguns desses príncipes começam a ser adornados com um fausto até então impensável — pistas tanto de uma intensificação dos conflitos na região quanto do aumento da desigualdade social e da concentração de poder nas mãos de um número menor de líderes.

Esse processo também teria sido facilitado pelo costume romano de designar parceiros comerciais e políticos preferenciais no lado bárbaro,dando a eles uma posição de destaque e, ocasionalmente, ajuda militar contra seus inimigos.

Heather conta em detalhes as consequências desse fenômeno em “The Fall of the Roman Empire”. Os muitos grupos germânicos (em alguns casos também há os de origem iraniana, como os alanos) acabaram coalescendo em sociedades capazes de colocar no campo de batalha exércitos com dezenas de milhares de soldados e cujos nomes entrariam para a história, como os visigodos, vândalos e francos.

A consequência lógica do desenvolvimento dessas “novas” etnias seria buscar uma fatia ainda mais substancial da riqueza imperial, primeiro na forma de banditismo endêmico e, mais tarde, com tentativas de se estabelecer no território do império, formando principados “aliados”, mas com estrutura política própria e semi-independente.

GOLPE DUPLO

Foi a combinação desse incentivo “positivo” (positivo do ponto de vista dos bárbaros, claro) com outro negativo, a ascensão dos hunos, a tribo do conquistador Átila,na região além do Danúbio, que teria empurrado mais e mais grupos bárbaros para o lado romano da fronteira.

Do ano 400 em diante, portanto, Roma teve de lidar com dois desafios sérios:os “imigrantes militarizados” germânicos exigindo terras (e os tributos da produção agrícola vindo delas, principal fonte de financiamento do Exército Romano) e os próprios hunos, os quais, ao estilo mafioso, exigiam quantidades cada vez mais exorbitantes de ouro para deixar o Império em paz.

A implosão do poder imperial veio quando os assentamentos bárbaros independentes atingiram uma massa crítica que simplesmente cortou pela raiz a base de impostos que sustentava o Estado romano. O principal candidato a golpe de misericórdia, nesse sentido, foi a instalação dos vândalos na África do Norte, onde ficavam as províncias que eram o celeiro de Roma, nos anos 430.Quando as tentativas de retomar essas províncias falharam, o Ocidente romano passou a ser apenas a Itália.

Porém, como conta Heather em “The Restoration of Rome” [Macmillan, 524págs.],assim como seu conterrâneo Chris Wickham, da Universidade de Oxford, em “The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages”[Penguin Books,688 págs.], era cedo para falar em um fim inelutável da visão imperial na Europa.

Para começo de conversa, a romanização das elites germânicas foi extremamente rápida. Conquistadores como Teodorico, rei dos ostrogodos (475-526) e da Itália pós-romana, tinham entre suas maiores ambições a conquista de títulos como “patrício” e “Augusto” durante suas negociações com Constantinopla. Teodorico conseguiu, aliás, impor sua hegemonia na Espanha e na Gália (atual França) visigótica e sobre os vândalos da África, transformando seu longo reinado numa espécie de ressurreição do Império do Ocidente.

E foi o vácuo de poder deixado pela morte de Teodorico que permitiu que Justiniano (482-565), o último imperador do Oriente a ter o latim como língua materna, reconquistasse tanto a Itália quanto a antiga África do Norte romana, e até parte do sul da Espanha. O ideal da unidade imperial, argumentam os historiadores, só desapareceria de vez coma ascensão do Islã, no século 7º, que acabou de vez com as ambições de Constantinopla de ser a potência dominante do Mediterrâneo.

Texto de Reinaldo José Lopes publicado no caderno "Ilustríssima" da "Folha de S. Paulo" de 8 de junho de 2014. Adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

2014 - MELHORES RESTAURANTES DE SÃO PAULO

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1. MELHOR RESTAURANTE: D.O.M. & FASANO (Datafolha), MANI (Juri)


D.O.M (Por Ana Paula Boni)

Tem chef que se dá por satisfeito fazendo boa comida todo dia. E tem aquele que ainda luta por suas causas enquanto mexe a panela. Tem o que percorre a cidade em busca de ingredientes. E o que vai à Amazônia conhecer o que o Brasil selvagem tem a oferecer. E lança pratos que depois serão copiados. E ganha prêmios por sua competência.

Alex Atala é tudo isso. Pesquisa, cozinha, promove produtores e posa para fotos. Serve pato confitado, mas também filhote, tapioca, priprioca, tucupi.

O pé enraizado no Brasil é tipo o salão: ao centro tem um enorme lustre francês Baccarat, desenhado por Phillipe Starck e refinado como sua clientela. Mas quem chama a atenção é a canoa de madeira surrada trazida da Amazônia — e que combina mais com a comida e a alma do chef.

*****

FASANO (Por Lulie Macedo)

Quem elege o Fasano o melhor restaurante da cidade todos os anos não é sua clientela exclusiva nem o júri formado por foodies e especialistas. É o público ouvido pelo Datafolha.

O sujeito pode almoçar no quilo todos os dias, mas, para ele, bom é o Fasano, ainda que nunca tenha pisado o mármore negro francês do restaurante dos Jardins.

Dominar o imaginário popular e se tornar top of mind em sua categoria não é para qualquer um. Ao construir sua marca a partir da excelência, o Fasano detém, há anos, o bônus de ocupar o olimpo da gastronomia paulistana e o ônus de não poder errar.

De um jantar ali espera-se nada além do primor — paga-se bem por isso. Do balé de maîtres e garçons à comida, tudo parece orquestrado para ser impecável. E é.

*****

MANI (Por Sérgio Dávila)

Há alguns anos, num jantar de amigos, a comida servida pelo “catering” chamou a atenção tanto pela qualidade quanto pela originalidade. Tinha sido feita por uma jovem cozinheira e era servida por sua amiga, recém-chegadas a São Paulo, vindas do Rio Grande do Sul.

Eram Helena Rizzo e Fernanda Lima, hoje respectivamente melhor chef feminina do mundo segundo a revista “Restaurant” e apresentadora global — e sócias no Maní.

Helena não perdeu a simplicidade de então nem a originalidade na cozinha. Do pirulito de parmesão ao fideuá de lagostins e “O Ovo” da sobremesa (sorvete de gemada, espuma de coco e coquinhos crocantes), tudo é muito bom, muito frequentemente. Tem cada vez mais fila,mas deve abrir filial no shopping Iguatemi.


2. MELHOR RESTAURANTE A QUE VOCÊ JÁ FOI: A FIGUEIRA RUBAIYAT & BABY BEEF RUBAIYAT (Datafolha)


A FIGUEIRA RUBAIYAT & BABY BEEF RUBAIYAT (Por Fábio Zanini)

Sua Excelência, a carne,preside A Figueira Rubaiyat e seu primo, o Baby Beef. Na unidade da Haddock Lobo, a centenária figueira quase faz sombra à razão de ser do restaurante, a carne suculenta e macia. Uma Ferrari estacionada na porta avisa que o lugar é caro e até se diverte com isso.

Um dos pratos tem o nome de Filet Mignon de Pedreiro, a R$ 99.

No Baby Beef, a atração é o bufê, que culmina numa poderosa grelha onde nacos de picanha, chouriço e o corte que dá nome à casa são assados na hora. Havia também uns camarões, que pareciam ótimos, mas, perto da fartura bovina, confesso que não dei bola.


3. MELHOR BRASILEIRO: MOCOTÓ (Datafolha), TORDESILHAS (Juri)


MOCOTÓ (Por Fabio Victor)

Sim, o Mocotó merece tudo de bom que se fala a seu respeito. É um raro restaurante nordestino em São Paulo que satisfaz tanto quem busca tradição quanto os que preferem releituras, no caso as de Rodrigo Oliveira, o filho paulistano do retirante pernambucano Zé Almeida, criador da bodega onde tudo começou.

No time “de raiz” estão sarapatel, carne de sol de verdade e cartola — sobremesa com banana frita e queijo. Entre as invenções há dadinhos de tapioca, chips de mandioca e sorvete de cachaça. Como o preço também é bom, a classe média de toda São Paulo descobriu a Vila Medeiros. O resultado são filas de doer,que nos fins de semana causam até quatro horas de espera.

*****

TORDESILHAS (Por Marília Miragaia)

Contou certa vez Mara Salles que, há tempos, quando recebeu seu primeiro pirarucu, não sabia prepará-lo. E mais, o cheiro intenso do peixe seco a fez pensar que o produto já não estava bom. Mas estava, era preciso saber lidar com ele.

Aprendeu quase sozinha: visitou comunidades, viu o preparo tradicional dos interiores e deu trato profissional a eles.

Hoje, serve-os com (muito) esmero, ao lado de outros produtos nacionais, como em um lar. Ali, vemos a cortesia de Zé Lima, mestre-pimenteiro que sabe adivinhar o que será de nossa preferência, fazendo-nos sentir parte dessa casa. Uma casa brasileira.


4. MELHOR CHURRASCARIA: FOGO DE CHÃO (Datafolha), VARANDA (Juri)


FOGO DE CHÃO (Por Leonardo Cruz)

O que faz o Fogo de Chão ser eleito a melhor churrascaria pelo quarto ano seguido? A razão central e óbvia é a qualidade de seus cortes. Basta provar um pedaço de fraldinha para entender que a casa trata com carinho os carnívoros insaciáveis.

A excelência se repete nos adereços (como o levíssimo bolinho de mandioca), no bufê de saladas (com palmitos gordos, macios, exuberantes, pornográficos) e na parruda carta de vinhos.

A razão menos óbvia é um intenso trabalho de marketing, que cravou na mente dos paulistanos o Fogo de Chão como sinônimo de rodízio de primeira.

É a força da marca que permite à rede cobrar preços tão gordos e pornográficos quanto seus palmitos.

*****

VARANDA (Por Marcelo Quaz)

À espera da sua mesa, imagine um bife. Melhor, pense num bifaço, delicioso e suculento, que assim será. Até porque, é bom saber, a carne é cara na melhor churrascaria da cidade. À la carte, cortes, como os da raça wagyu, ultrapassam R$ 200. Mas não pense nisso. Apenas pense grande.

À mesa, repare no desfile internacional: um t-bone americano que vem, uma picanha brasileira que vai, um chorizo argentino que atravessa. Acompanhamentos? Arroz biro-biro com farofa Varanda. “Dois está ótimo”, garante o garçom.

Agora é fazer o pedido e abrir um vinho. A sua hora vai chegar. Daí para frente, só comendo.


5. MELHOR ITALIANO: FAMIGLIA MANCINI (Datafolha), ATTIMO (Juri)


FAMIGLIA MANCINI (Por Adriana Kuchler)

Famiglia Mancini, fartura é teu nome do meio. Tanto que meu prato, um abundante fettuccine com camarões que parecia caro, acabou saindo em conta — já que se multiplicou, na minha casa, em três outras refeições.

Por lá, levar quentinha não é nada embaraçoso. Faz parte da brincadeira que há 34 anos atrai famílias, turistas e famosos a comer massas com muito molho e nenhuma frescura na clássica cantina.

Se decidir se esbaldar na mesa de antepastos, cuidado! Entre uma infinidade de queijos, lulas e azeitonas, periga não sobrar espaço na pança para o prato principal. Dica: almoce às 17h e evite filas-monstro.

*****

ATTIMO (Por Ana Estela de Sousa Pinto)

O mais divertido nesta indicação é que o Attimo não é italiano. Para os donos, é ítalo-caipira. No ambiente, é paulistano, bem Vila Nova Conceição. Na música, classicamente caipira. No cardápio, eclético, como toda cozinha criativa que se propõe a misturar tradições.

O couvert casa pururuca com mortadela. Nas entradas, cuscuz de porco com farinha de milho convive com pamonha. E abaixo do risoto de funghi vem um belo arroz com galinha d’angola.

As massas frescas, suaves, essas, sim, remetem à Itália. Para fazer jus à influência, peça o raviolini de camarões e lagostins e termine mergulhando pedaços de pão italiano no generoso molho bisque.


6. MELHOR PIZZARIA: 1900 & BRÁZ (Datafolha), BRÁZ (Juri)


1900 (Por Maria Luísa Barsanelli)

O ambiente aconchegante de casarão contribui para o clima de refeição em família.

O ar rústico aparece nas sete casas da rede. Elas seguem o exemplo da matriz, localizada num imóvel do início do século 20 na Vila Mariana — daí o nome 1900.

Não há surpresas entre as coberturas. Mas é possível escolher uma das mais de 40 variedades, divididas em três categorias: tradicionais, light ou especiais.

Aqui, o destaque são as massas, que também podem vir na versão integral. Macias, desfazem-se na boca.

Quando chegam à mesa, convidam a azeitar sua borda e comê-la pura, sujando de farinha o canto da boca. Tudo bem, afinal estamos em família.

*****

BRÁZ (Por João Wainer)

Se uma pizzaria paulistana ganha tantas vezes seguidas o prêmio de melhor da cidade que é considerada a capital da pizza no país, é porque alguma coisa de especial ela tem.

Para acertar o ponto da pizza, a Bráz aposta numa combinação quase sempre infalível: os melhores ingredientes, cardápio que mistura receitas clássicas com inovadoras e um serviço de primeira no salão.

A simplicidade aliada à qualidade faz com que a experiência da pizza seja autêntica e proveitosa. Mas tudo isso tem um preço — que pode ser tão salgado quanto o pão de calabresa servido como entrada no já tradicional restaurante.


7. MELHOR ÁRABE: ALMANARA (Datafolha), ARABIA (Juri)


ALMANARA (Por Danielle Nagase)

Na rua Oscar Freire, é uma das poucas casas da marca a se aventurar pelas ruas — a maioria está em shoppings, salvo a matriz do Centro. Tem, aliás, a metade dos anos da matriarca (de 1950), mas, apesar da pouca idade, segue à risca a tradição libanesa.

Na cozinha, não cabem invencionices: esfirra só de carne e de verdura, e os pratos têm um só tamanho e ponto.

Comece pela mezze, com homus, coalhada e baba ghanoush. À mesa, azeite para regar à vontade. Já o pão sírio, “peça um por vez pra comer quentinho”, sugere o garçom de gravata borboleta.

O quibe cru tem trigo na medida e, entre os grelhados no espeto, “a cafta é certamente o melhor, senhorita”.

*****

ARABIA (Por Naief Haddad)

As sobremesas encerram a refeição. Mas, neste texto, os doces virão em primeiro lugar. Na verdade, “o” doce.

O knefe é um dos motivos que fazem do Arabia o melhor árabe de São Paulo. A massa crocante de cabelinho de anjo, com creme de nata e pistache, contrapõe texturas e sabores de modo raramente visto na confeitaria libanesa.

Mas nem pense em ir direto às sobremesas. O michui de cordeiro o fará esquecer qualquer outro espetinho de carne da cidade.

Para quem busca originalidade, vá numa quarta-feira comer fundo de alcachofra com recheio de carne e snoubar (ou pinoli),coberto com molho de coalhada e hortelã seca.


8. MELHOR JAPONÊS: AOYAMA & MORI (Datafolha), AIZOMÊ (Juri)


AOYAMA & MORI (Por Bel Freire)

A gente gosta de rodízio. Adotamos o sistema do churrasco à pizza e, hoje, são os japoneses que dominam a cena do “à vontade”. Desconfio que, diferentemente de seus antecessores, o êxito dos nipônicos tem mais a ver com variedade do que com quantidade.

Escolher pratos que não conhecemos pode ser intimidador, enquanto recebê-los em pequenas porções dá a chance de provar novos sabores sem pressão.

E nisso as duas casas se sobressaem, servindo combinações inusitadas como o sushi flambado com licor de laranja do Mori ou o sushi de salmão e abacaxi do Aoyama.

Claro, o ambiente moderninho e repleto de gente bonita das duas casas também contribui para o sucesso.

*****

AIZOMÊ (Por Alcino Leite Neto)

Em devaneios sobre a vida futura no paraíso, fico imaginando que culinária eu degustaria por toda a eternidade. E uma delas acaba se impondo: a japonesa. Se, além disso, fosse-me dada a chance de escolher os chefs eternos, elegeria Shinya Koike e Telma Shiraishi, do Aizomê.

O restaurante repete a ambiência ascética e polida das casas japonesas tradicionais. O cardápio, porém, é cheio de surpresas, com mutações autorais e sensuais da culinária clássica, como as servidas no menu-degustação, com nove pratos divinos por R$ 190.

No paraíso, é claro, a degustação duraria para sempre — e eu não gastaria um tostão.


9. MELHOR NOVIDADE: TRATTORIA (Datafolha)


TRATTORIA (Por Vinicius Torres Freire)

O restaurante tem pratos de cantina; é uma trattoria, o que para um paulistano sugere comida caseira, excessos de porções e informalidades. Mas também é Fasano. Tudo bem-feito, com receitas passadas a limpo, desavacalhadas, e ingredientes excelentes.

O ambiente é aquele “clean” paulistano, talvez demais. A cozinha é de Roma para baixo, com uma coisinha genovesa e outra toscana, tem polpettone e carbonara. O bucattini vem com guanciale (papada curada), bom,mas sem pedações de carne, “clean”.

Tudo é agradável, mas há dissonância entre lugar e comida, prato e preço: R$ 40 por antepastos míni, uns R$ 60 pelas massas e R$ 70 para os principais. Ótimo, mas consuma com moderação.


10. MELHOR AMBIENTE: CHOU & SPOT (Datafolha)


CHOU & SPOT (Por Denise Chiarato)

O Spot e o Chou, por motivos distintos, valem o lugar. O Spot, no coração da avenida Paulista, é sempre lotado, com mesas espremidas onde todo mundo ouve todo mundo e vê todo mundo.

Já o Chou fica em Pinheiros, numa casa estilo de vó com um quintal super-agradável, com uma horta e banquinhos de madeira. Ao contrário do Spot, está mais para quem já está acompanhado do que para quem espera encontrar alguém.

Em comum, a comida é boa: no Chou, a carne é o carro-chefe e há uma ampla carta de vinhos; no Spot, a dica é o penne oriental. Mas, antes, comece pelo bar. Até porque você vai ter de esperar. Ah se vai...


11. MELHOR PORTUGUÊS: A BELA SINTRA (Datafolha)


A BELA SINTRA (Por Manuel da Costa Pinto)

A casa comandada pela chef alentejana Ilda Vinagre conquistou prestígio com uma cozinha que está entre o tradicional e o moderno.

Receitas clássicas — arroz de polvo, açorda de bacalhau, bacalhau à lagareiro — estão ao lado de criações mais pessoais, como o pato com molho de framboesa. Em todos, uma leveza que preserva o fundo rústico da cozinha portuguesa, presente nas entradas e nos doces conventuais.

O ambiente sofisticado e os preços elevados (vinhos portugueses com raras opções por menos de R$ 150) correspondem à excelência da gastronomia, porém preservando a cortesia e a hospitalidade lusitanas.


12. MELHOR FRANCÊS: ICI BISTRÔ (Datafolha)


ICI BISTRÔ (Por Cassiano Elek Machado)

Mais fininhas que qualquer mindinho, nem por isso frágeis. Chegam à mesa com a dupla de atributos que boa parte dos alimentos almeja: crocantes por fora, macias por dentro. Acomodam-se bagunçadamente elegantes numa taça metálica.

Exibem pedacinhos de sua casca marrom, cortadas que são à moda “alummette”. Parecem plenamente assimiladas ao ambiente de bistrô, ainda que suas raízes sejam belgas.

São reconfortantes: podem fazer lembrar de um fim de tarde na casa da avó ou de um almoço de outono em Paris. Tão cheias de graça e generosas, mesmo em sua magreza, as batatas fritas do Ici só nos fazem esquecer de que não são estrelas, mas acompanhamento.


13. MELHOR VARIADO: ARTURITO (Juri)


ARTURITO (Por Luiza Fecarotta)

Paola Carosella domina o fogo como poucos. Herança dos ensinamentos do argentino Francis Mallmann, “o rei do fogo”, e de uma infância entre churrasqueira, chapa e forno a lenha.

Pois, no Arturito, a lenha alimenta um forno vistoso, que alcança temperaturas altíssimas, onde ela prepara carnes suculentas. Para além das carnes, o lugar atrai pelo frescor e pela rusticidade. Pães feitos na casa com fermento natural, ovos de galinhas “que acordam com a luz do sol”, peixes direto do peixeiro.

Lá, reina o esmero de uma chef que também foi capaz de treinar uma equipe de salão em harmonia com o cuidadoso trabalho da cozinha.

NOTAS

1. Datafolha entrevistou 966 pessoas, sendo 48% homens e 52% mulheres. A pesquisa efetuada entre 12 de março a 1 de abril de 2014 contemplou pessoas com renda familiar de pelo menos 5 salários mínimos (R$3.620 ou aprox. 1.630 em maio de 2014) que frequenta restaurantes pelo menos duas vezes por semana. 

2. Um juri, composto de 50 aficionados em gastronomia, críticos de restaurante e colunistas, foi solicitado a dar a sua classificação dos melhores restaurantes.

Compilação de textos publicados na revista "O Melhor de São Paulo", anexa à edição da "Folha de S. Paulo" de 8 de junho de 2014. Digitado, adaptado e ilustrado para ser postado por Leopoldo Costa.

2014 - THE BEST RESTAURANTS - SÃO PAULO

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1. BEST RESTAURANT: D.O.M. & FASANO (Datafolha), MANI (Foodies)


D.O.M (By Ana Paula Boni)

Some chefs are satisfied with making good food every day. Then there are those who also fight for their causes while cooking. There are those that look all over town for ingredients. And those that go to the Amazon to see what untamed Brazil has to offer. And launch recipes that are then copied, winning awards for their trouble.

Alex Atala is all of these: researcher, cook, encouraging producers and posing for photos. He serves the very Frenck duck confit, but also filhote (freshwater fish), tapioca(manioc flour), priprioca (herb) and tucupi (sauce), all typical of the Amazonian region.

His feet are firmly set in Brazil, a bit like the restaurant, where there is an enormous French Baccarat chandelier, designed by Phillipe Starck, as elegant as his customers. However what really grabs your attention is the shabby wooden canoe brought from the Amazon, allowing an intimate look at what really moves the chef’s food and soul.

*****

FASANO (By Lulie Macedo)

The voters who elect Fasano the city’s best restaurant every year are not its exclusive clientele, nor the jury members, all foodies and experts. They are the people of São Paulo interviewed by Datafolha.

Those people may eat at cheap joints every day, but for them Fasano is at the top, even if they have never set foot on the ritzy French black marble floor of the restaurant.

Dominating the popular imagination and becoming the “top of mind” in its class is no easy feat. A brand built on excellence, Fasano has been reaping for years both the bonus of occupying the Mount Olympus of São Paulo gastronomy and the onus of not being allowed to make mistakes.

Nothing but the very best is expected from the dining experience here — and the prices are as high as the standards. From the ballet of the maîtres and waiters to the food itself, everything seems orchestrated to be impeccable. And it is.

*****

MANI (By Sérgio Dávila)

A few years ago at a dinner party with friends, the food served by the caterers caught everyone’s attention for both its quality and originality. It had been made by a young chef and served by her friend, both recently arrived in São Paulo from the Southern state of Rio Grande do Sul.

They were Helena Rizzo and Fernanda Lima, the former currently the world’s best woman chef according to “Restaurant” magazine, the latter a Globo TV presenter — and business partners in Maní.

Helena has not lost the simplicity of those early days, nor the originality of her cuisine. From the parmesan on a stick to the lobster fideuá (Valencian paella) and “O Ovo” dessert (egg yolk ice cream, coconut meringue and crunchy coconut), everything is very good, very frequently. The lines are always long, but a sister restaurant is promised for the Iguatemi shopping mall.



2. BEST RESTAURANT YOU’VE BEEN TO: A FIGUEIRA RUBAIYAT & BABY BEEF RUBAIYAT (Datafolha)


A FIGUEIRA RUBAIYAT & BABY BEEF RUBAIYAT (By Fábio Zanini)

His excellence, the beef, reigns at A Figueira Rubaiyat and its cousin, Baby Beef. At Haddock Lobo street branch, the ancient fig tree almost obscures the restaurant’s raison d’être, the succulent, tender beef. A Ferrari parked at the door indicates that the place is expensive, and a joke is even made of it.

One of the meals is called the Stonemason’s Fillet Steak (Filet Mignon de Pedreiro) and costs R$ 99.

At the Baby Beef, the star attraction is the buffet, culminating in a grill where chunks of picanha (Brazil’s prime cut of beef), chouriço sausage and the cut that lends its name to the restaurant are barbecued to order. Also available are some fine-looking shrimps, however given the abundance of beef, I must confess that I ignored them.



3. BEST BRAZILIAN: MOCOTÓ (Datafolha), TORDESILHAS (Foodies)


MOCOTÓ (By Fabio Victor)

Yes, the Mocotó deserves all the nice things said about it. It’s a rare Brazilian Northeastern restaurant in São Paulo that satisfies both those looking for tradition and those preferring a re-interpretation, in this case that of Rodrigo Oliveira, the Paulistano son of Pernambuco migrant Zé Almeida, creator of the bodega where it all began.

Among traditional dishes is sarapatel (offals), sun-dried meat and cartola — a dessert with fried banana and cheese. Among the new ones are dadinhos de tapioca (“dices” of fried tapioca), manioc chips and cachaça (distilled sugarcane alcohol) ice-cream. Since the price is also good, the entire São Paulo middle class has discovered Vila Medeiros district. The resulting lines are a nightmare, and on weekends the wait can be up to 4 hours.

*****

TORDESILHAS (By Marília Miragaia)

Mara Salles once said that, years ago, when she received the first pirarucu (a fish) in her restaurant, she had no idea how to prepare it. What’smore, the strong smell of the dried fish made her think it had gone off. But itwas fine, she just needed to know how to deal with it.

She learned almost on her own: visiting small communities, observing how the fish was traditionally prepared and handling it professionally.

Nowadays, she prepares and serves it to perfection, alongside other Brazilian products, just like at home. Here we can experience the courtesy of Zé Lima, the pepper master, who can guess our preferences, making us feel a part of this home — a Brazilian home.



4. BEST STEAKHOUSE: FOGO DE CHÃO (Datafolha), VARANDA (Foodies)



FOGO DE CHÃO (By Leonardo Cruz)

What is it about Fogo de Chão that got it chosen the city’s best steakhouse for the fourth consecutive year? The main reason is obvious: the quality of its prime cuts. Just tasting a morsel of flank steak is enough to under stand why the venue is heaven for all insatiable carnivores.

The excellence is repeated in side dishes such as the light friedmanioc balls, the salad bars (with their fat palmhearts — soft, exotic, pornographic) and the formidable wine list.

The less obvious reason is the intense marketing that has etched Fogo de Chão into the minds of Paulistanos as a synonym for a first class rodízio (an all you can eat system in which waiters serve platters at the table).

It’s the strength of the brand that allows the chain to charge prices as fat and pornographic as its palm hearts.

*****

VARANDA (By Marcelo Quaz)


Think of a steak while waiting for your table.Or rather, think of a great big delicious, juicy steak, and that’s the way it will be. Also, one must add, because the meat is expensive in the city’s best steakhouse. À la carte cuts such as those of the wagyu breed are above R$ 200. Don’t think about that. Just think big.

Once seated, observe the international parade: an American T- bone here, a Brazilian picanha or rump cover steak there, Argentinean chorizo sausage goes by. Side orders? Rice biro biro (served with eggs and bacon) accompanied by manioc flour farofa à la Varanda. “Two will do fine”, the waiter assures us.

Now all you have to do is order and open the wine.Your time will come. When it does,just eat.



5. BEST ITALIAN: FAMIGLIA MANCINI (Datafolha), ATTIMO (Foodies)


FAMIGLIA MANCINI (By Adriana Kuchler)


For the Famiglia Mancini abundance is their middle name.So much so that my platter, a huge fettuccine with shrimps, that at first seemed expensive,ended up cheap,given that back in my own home, it multiplied into three more meals.

Here, taking a doggie bag home is nothing to be embarrassed about. It’s part of the reason why families, tourists and celebrities have been coming to the cantina for 34 years to enjoy pasta with lots of sauce but no fuss.

If you decide to enjoy the antipasti table, watch out! Among an infinite amount of cheeses, squid and olives, you risk losing your appetite for themain course. My advice: have lunch at 5 pm and avoid monster queues.

*****

ATTIMO (By Ana Estela de Sousa Pinto)


The funny part of this nomination is that the Attimo isn’t Italian. The owners label it rural Brazilian-Italian. The atmosphere is Paulistano, as natives of the city are known, and it fits well in Vila Nova Conceição neighbourhood. The music is traditional Brazilian country, the menu eclectic, like all creative cuisines aimed atmixing traditions.

Nibbles combine pork scratchings with mortadella slices. For starters, pork couscous with corn flour combined with sweet corn paste. Right below the mushroom risotto comes the tasty rice with guinea fowl.

However the fresh pastas are pure Italian. To do them justice, ask for the shrimp and crayfish raviolini and soak up the generous creamy sauce with Italian bread chunks.



6. BEST PIZZERIA: 1900 & BRÁZ (Datafolha), BRÁZ (Foodies)


1900 (By Maria Luísa Barsanelli)

The cozy atmosphere of the big house adds to the feeling of a family meal. The rustic air can be found in all seven of the chain’s branches, following the example of the original, located in a building dating from the early 20th century in the Vila Mariana district — hence the name 1900.

The toppings reveal no surprises. But you can choose from 40 varieties, divided into three categories: traditional, light or special.

The highlight here is the dough, which can be ordered in a whole wheat version; so soft it melts in your mouth.

When the pizza arrives at your table, you’ll want to pour olive oil on the crusts and eat them on their own, leaving specks of flour around your mouth. No problem — after all it’s all in the family.

*****

BRÁZ (By João Wainer)


If a Paulistano pizzaria wins the city’s top award so many times in what is considered Brazil’s pizza capital, there has to be something special about it.

To achieve it, the Bráz has opted for an almost always infallible combination: the best ingredients, a menu that mixes traditional with innovative recipes and first class service.

Simplicity matched with quality means that the pizza experience will be authentic and salutary. But all this has a price — which can be as shocking as the amount of salt in the Calabrese bread served as a starter in a restaurant that is already a landmark.


7. BEST MIDDLE EASTERN: ALMANARA (Datafolha), ARABIA (Foodies)


ALMANARA (By Danielle Nagase)

The venue on Oscar Freire street is one of the few of this brand’s restaurants to venture into the street — most are in shopping malls, except the original downtown. It is in fact just half the age of the original (founded 1950),but despite its youth follows the Lebanese tradition to a T.

No inventions in the kitchen. Esfihas are made with meat and green leaves, and the dishes are all of one size.

Start with the mezze, with hummus, curd and baba ghanoush. Olive oil a plenty on the tables. Ask for the pita bread, “order them one at a time, so they’re always warm”, suggests the waiter in the bow-tie.

The raw kibbeh has the right amount of wheat and, of the grilled kebabs, “the kafta is definitely the best, Miss”.

*****

ARABIA (by Naief Haddad)


Desserts top off a meal. But, in this case, sweets come first, or rather, “the” sweet. The knefe is one of the reasons why the Arabia is the best Arab restaurant in town. The crunchy vermicelli pastry, with fresh cream and pistachio, contrasts textures and flavors in a way rarely seen in Lebanese confectionary.

But don’t go straight to the dessert. The lamb michui will make you forget any other kebab in the city.

If you’re looking for originality, go on a Wednesday and have artichoke hearts filled with beef and snoubar (or pine kernels), covered in a curd and dried mint sauce.


8. BEST JAPANESE: AOYAMA & MORI (Datafolha), AIZOMÊ (Foodies)


AOYAMA & MORI (By Bel Freire)

In Brazil, we like the rodízio system (where portions are constantly served by waiters). We have taken it everywhere, from the steakhouse to the pizza place. Nowadays, it’s the Japanese who predominate in the “as much as you can eat” system. I suspect that, in contrast to their predecessors, the success of the Japanese has more to do with variety than with quantity.

Choosing food that we aren’t familiar with can be intimidating, where as with small portions we get a chance to try new flavors without feeling pressured.

And in this the two venues excel, serving unusual combinations — such as sushi flambé in orange liqueur at Mori or salmon and pineapple sushi at Aoyama.

Of course, the trendy atmosphere in both restaurants, filled with beautiful people, also contributes to their success.

*****

AIZOMÊ (By Alcino Leite Neto)


When daydreaming about living in paradise, I imagine what kind of cuisine I would like to enjoy for all eternity. Japanese food immediately springs to mind. And if I was given my choice of chefs, they would be Aizomê’s Shinya Koike and Telma Shiraishi.

The restaurant has the ascetic and delicate ambience of traditional Japanese venues.However, the menu is full of surprises, with signature, sensuous mutations of classic cuisine, such as those served on the tasting menu, with nine divine dishes for R$ 190.

Of course in paradise the tasting would last forever — and wouldn’t cost me a penny.



9. BEST NEW OPENING: TRATTORIA (Datafolha)


TRATTORIA (By Vinicius Torres Freire)

This Italian trattoria serves cantina-style meals; which to a Paulistano suggests home cooking,big portions and informality. But it’s also part Fasano (a local 5-star eatery). Everything is done well, with reworked, uncomplicated recipes and excellent ingredients.

The atmosphere is Paulistano minimalist, perhaps too minimalist. The cuisine is from Rome southwards, with a pinch of Genoa and another of Tuscany, there’s polpettone and carbonara. The bucattini comes with guanciale (cured pork), but with out big pieces of meat — minimalist.

It’s all very pleasant, but there’s a mismatch between the place and the food, between the dishes and the prices: R$ 40 for mini antipasti, some R$ 60 for pasta dishes and R$ 70 for the main course. It’s very good, but eat with moderation.



10. BEST AMBIENCE: CHOU & SPOT (Datafolha)


CHOU & SPOT (By Denise Chiarato)


The Spot and the Chou are worth visiting for different reasons. The Spot, in the heart of Paulista avenue, is always crammed full, tables squeezed together where everybody can be seen and heard by everyone else.

The Chou is located in Pinheiros, in a house like your grandma’s,with a welcoming backyard, a vegetable garden and wooden benches. Contrary to the Spot, this place is more for those already accompanied than those looking for someone to meet.

What they share is good food: in the Chou, the specialty is meat, with a wide variety of wines available; at the Spot, try the Oriental penne. But first, start at the bar. Mainly because you’ll have to wait. Yes, you will.


11. BEST PORTUGUESE: A BELA SINTRA (Datafolha)


A BELA SINTRA (By Manuel da Costa Pinto)

The establishment headed by chef Ilda Vinagre from Portugal’s Alentejo province has won fame with a cuisine that ranges from the traditional to the modern.

Classic recipes — octopus rice, salt-cod açorda (soup), oven-cooked codfish — are alongside more personal creations, such as duck with raspberry sauce. In all of them a lightness that brings to mind the rural background of Portuguese cuisine, also visible in the starters and convent sweets.

The sophisticated ambience and the high prices (Portuguese wines at rarely less than R$150)correspond to the excellent gastronomic delights,at the same time preserving traditional Portuguese courtesy and hospitality.


12. BEST FRENCH: ICI BISTRÔ (Datafolha)


ICI BISTRÔ (By Cassiano Elek Machado)

Thinner than any pinkie, but nonetheless not fragile. They reach the table with two attributes that many foods can only wish for: crisp on the outside, soft on the inside.They fit messily but still elegantly inside a metal dish.

They reveal little bits of their brownskin, cut in “allummette” (match stick) style. They seem perfectly assimilated into the bistro, even though their origins are Belgian.

They can be called comfort food: they may remind you of the end of afternoon at your grandmother’s, or of an autumn lunch in Paris. So full of charm and generous, even when thin, the French fries at Ici make us forget that they’re not the star attraction, but merely a side order.


13. BEST CONTEMPORARY: ARTURITO (Foodies)


ARTURITO (By Luiza Fecarotta)

Paola Carosella reigns over the fire as few chefs do. A gift inherited from the teachings of Argentinean Francis Mallmann, “the fire king”, and a childhood spent among barbecue, grill and wood-fired oven.

At the Arturito, the wood feeds a fine high temperature oven, where Paola prepares her succulent selection of meats. In addition to meat, the place is inviting for its cool, rustic atmosphere. Homemade naturally leavened bread, eggs from hens that “wake up with the sun”, fish directly from the fishmonger.

Here, she reigns with the perfection of a queen who’salso capable of training a team of servers matching the kitchen’s diligent work.

NOTAS

Datafolha interviewed 966 people, 48% are men and 52% are women. The survey held between March 12th and April 1st 2014 contemplated people in household incomes of at least five minimum monthly wages (R$ 3,620, approx. US$ 1,630 in May 2014) and who frequent restaurants at least twice a week.

Fifty foodies, restaurant critics and food columnists were asked to rank the best restaurants in their opinion. 

Compilation of articles published magazine "O Melhor de São Paulo", attached edition "Folha de S. Paulo" July, 8, 2014. Typed, adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa.

PAPAL MISTRESSES: THEODORA AND MAROZIA THEOPHYLACT7

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Theodora and Marozia Theophylact were a mother-and-daughter team of mistresses who had papal lovers. These women became so politically powerful that, unlike millions of anonymous “Marthas,” contemporary accounts, mostly venomous, describe them in some detail. In 890, Theodora and her husband, Theophylact, moved from the charming old Etruscan city of Tusculum to Rome, fifteen miles away. Theophylact was a courageous and capable man who became a senator, a judge and lastly a duke responsible for the papal finances and the Roman militia. Theodora, too, was named a senator.

But Theodora aspired to more than fluttering around the papal flame in a state where the pope was the paramount leader. Her dream was to establish a family dynasty she could manipulate so she herself could rule Rome. Apparently, Theophylact shared her vision. Together, the Theophylacts maneuvered the man known to history as Sergius III, whom they had supported when his party was in exile, into the papacy.

The deal between Sergius and the Theophylacts included giving Sergius their fifteen-year-old daughter, Marozia, as his concubine. Marozia was already ripening into a woman of legendary beauty, and she and Sergius began a steamy sexual relationship. Soon, she bore him a son. After ushering her nubile daughter into Sergius’s bed, Theodora consolidated her position and soon controlled the papal court. In 911, when Sergius died after only seven years in office, Theodora cleverly averted the usual bloody wars of succession by arranging for her nominee, Anastasius III, to take office. When Anastasius died, in 913, she promptly undertook to have Lando installed, and he survived until 914.

It happened that Theodora had fallen rapturously in love with a younger man, Bishop John of Ravenna. Lando’s death inspired her to catapult John into the papacy. He would move permanently to Rome, and not only satisfy her erotic needs but allow her to continue as the éminence grise behind the papal throne. For this “monstrous crime” of forcing her lover to become Pope John X, the much-quoted historian Liudprant condemned Theodora as a “harlot.”8

With John, Theodora became well and truly ensconced in the papal power structure. He proved much longer-lasting and more industrious than her previous puppets. He also worked harmoniously with Theophylact, her cooperative husband, to create a coalition of Italian rulers under the papacy.

Shortly after John’s installation, Theodora turned her attention to her widowed daughter. Marozia was still a highly marketable commodity, and Theodora gave her in marriage to Alberic, Marquis of Camerino. As she had been with Pope Sergius, Marozia was her parents’ reward for services rendered. Alberic was a German soldier of fortune whose band of veterans had been vital to the newly united Italian allies. As their son-in-law, Alberic joined Theodora and Theophylact in the family palace on the Aventine Hill, and he continued to provide essential military protection.

Sometime before 924, Theodora and her husband died; how, where or when we are not certain. By their society’s standards, they had carved out extraordinary lives, Theodora especially. The Theophylact dynasty thrived, and together, Theodora’s husband and her lover and accomplice, Pope John X, facilitated her mission of governance. As a mistress and a wife, Theodora succeeded in doing what few women can, uniting and dominating the two men closest to her, and doing so openly, impervious to the consternation of her compatriots. Her men were intelligent, capable and brave. They shared her dreams and treated her with respect; indeed, they honored her with their personal and professional trust.

But all was not well between Marozia and Pope John. After her parents’ death, Marozia headed the powerful Theophylact dynasty. Unlike them, she was not interested in sharing power with Pope John, their ally. Instead, she pitted herself against him in bitter rivalry. In 924, when Alberic was instrumental in repelling a Saracen attack, Marozia took the credit. At men closest to her, and doing so openly, impervious to the consternation of her compatriots. Her men were intelligent, capable and brave. They shared her dreams and treated her with respect; indeed, they honored her with their personal and professional trust.

But all was not well between Marozia and Pope John. After her parents’ death, Marozia headed the powerful Theophylact dynasty. Unlike them, she was not interested in sharing power with Pope John, their ally. Instead, she pitted herself against him in bitter rivalry. In 924, when Alberic was instrumental in repelling a Saracen attack, Marozia took the credit. At the same time, she seemed to dislike Alberic as a husband, and cheated on him with a series of lovers. But these men satisfied only her erotic desires, not her personal ambitions. To achieve those ambitions, Marozia cast her lot with John, her bastard son by Pope Sergius.

Just as Theodora had envisaged a political dynasty, Marozia contemplated a hereditary papacy, with John as its first pope. But this required getting rid of the incumbent pope, her mother’s former lover. Marozia accomplished this by divesting herself of Alberic and marrying the brother of Pope John’s military. Then, urged on by enthusiastic Romans, she and her new husband’s army orchestrated a siege of the gateway to the Vatican. At last Pope John capitulated, and was thrust into a dungeon, where he died, either starved to death or strangled.

Theodora, the mistress who had loved him, would have been appalled and grieved, but Marozia had no regrets. Instead, she placed two acolytes on the throne of Saint Peter until her son John turned twenty. Then she arranged his installation as Pope John XI, and continued to administer Rome in both its temporal and spiritual dimensions.

With her son ensconced as pope, Marozia no longer needed her new husband and had him murdered. Then, for militarily strategic reasons, she proposed marriage to his brother, a married man notorious for his court’s brothel-like ambiance. He quickly accepted her offer and “arranged” to become a widower. The pope, Marozia’s dissolute and docile son, officiated at their wedding. But during the wedding feast, Alberic, Marozia’s legitimate son, an astute and resourceful teenager, publicly denounced his treacherous, unloving mother and her consort. “The majesty of Rome has sunk to such depths that now she obeys the orders of harlots. Could there be anything viler than that the city of Rome should be brought to ruin by the impurities of one woman?” he bellowed.9

Rome heeded Alberic’s warnings, and mobs of citizens stormed the castle. Marozia’s bridegroom scrambled down a rope over the walls, and fled. Marozia was not so fortunate. Her rebellious people captured her, and though Alberic shrank from killing her, she was too dangerous to release. Instead, he imprisoned her in the bowels of the castle and kept her there until she died months later, unregretted and unmourned.

Marozia’s fate was horrible: entombed by her own child in dank darkness, untouched by the hot sun or fresh breezes and guarded by incorruptible men she could neither seduce, coerce nor persuade to free her. As she languished there, she must have rained curses onto Alberic’s head—all in vain. For above ground, the popular young man reclaimed the temporal power from his unfit brother, leaving him only ceremonial papal duties to attend to.

On his deathbed, Alberic begged his noblemen to elect his son, Octavian, to the papacy. They did so, and thereby ensured Marozia’s extraordinary legacy as the woman who, as mistress to a pope, spawned an entire line of popes, an irony she would likely have appreciated. Marozia’s life was not easy. Her parents had valued her only as a tradable asset, and impounded her into mistressdom. After Sergius died, they imposed Alberic on her. After their deaths finally freed her from their control, Marozia flouted convention and sold herself as she had been sold.

But Marozia went much further than her ambitious mother. She killed and she kept faith with no one, including her husbands or the younger son who was to be her nemesis. And as mistress and mother to popes, Marozia seemed devoid of spiritual conviction, piety or belief in anything other than her own venal world.

NOTES

7 The main sources for this section are E. R. Chamberlin, The Bad Popes (New York: The Dial Press, 1969); F. L. Glaser (ed.), Pope Alexander and His Court (New York: Nicholas L.Brown, 1921); Horace K. Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, & Co., 1910); Arnold H. Mathew, The Life and Times of Rodrigo Borgia (London: Stanley Paul & Co., 1912); Peter Stanford, The She-Pope: A Quest for the Truth Behind the Mystery of Pope Joan (London: Heineman, 1998). 
8 Chamberlin, 29. 
9 Ibid., 37.


By Elizabeth Abbott in "Mistresses, A History of the Other Woman", Overlook Press, UK/USA, 2010. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa. 

RELIGION, POWER, AND POLITICS

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Francis of Assisi
If history, as defined earlier, is our attempt to explain the catastrophes that befall mankind, that pile of debris mounting sky high in front of the angel of history, and to try to make sense of these disasters, then, in many respects, escaping from history is also a form or resistance to history and to established lines of authority. Similarly, the act of historicizing the past and, in this particular case historicizing religion, is yet another form of escape. It functions as a way to bind history and religion within temporal frameworks. One cannot also proceed in this discussion without some reference to the relationship between religion and power, between religion and the most obvious manifestation of political power: war. Clearly, religious beliefs and observances are part of the normal unfolding of history. We have long known, for example, how religion underpins political authority, and vice versa. From the first written historical records of mankind to the religious symbols displayed in modern democracies today — think for example of the oath taken on the Bible by politicians and those sworn to serve on juries, the religious invocations in Congress, references to god in school pledges, and the like — religion and politics have long blended almost seamlessly into coherent structures of power.

In Rome not a negligible part of imperial authority derived from the emperor’s role as pontifex maximus, the highest official of the formal state religion throughout the land. So did the “Mandate of Heaven” serve as a way to legitimate political power in second-millennium-bce China. In medieval Western Europe most kings ruled by the “grace of god;” their power vested via elaborate ceremonies of anointment or crowning, or through even more extreme claims of royal thaumaturgical power (e.g., the claims that the kings of France and England could cure scrofula by the touch of their hands). There was no political power in the Western premodern world without god. Th ere was no exercise of authority without the underpinning of religious structures, serving as intermediaries between the sacred and the world. But of course such links are still present in our contemporary world. Think of Franco’s link to the Church in post–Civil War Spain or the ties of Bush and many other recently elected politicians — most of them born - again Christians — to the Christian undamentalist Right. But even long before written records, archeological evidence, pictorial representations, and folklore tell us of the intertwining of religious symbolism, magical motifs, and daily life.

In the Western world, such a historical activity as warfare has been always closely related to religion. Reiterating Norman Housley’s arguments, one could simply say that religion has been one of the main catalysts for warfare. One may modify this argument by stating that conflicts between religions or within one specific religion have led to fierce carnage. One only needs to think of the horrific religious wars that devastated most of Christian Europe in the sixteenth and first half of the seventeenth century, of the enduring conflicts between Shia and Sunni, between Muslims and Hindus, Muslims and Jews, or the still smoldering embers of Protestant-Catholic conflicts in Ireland (though a resolution seemed almost to have been at hand, thanks mostly to Ireland’s new found — and soon lost — prosperity). Granted, many of these religious conflicts were, and are, also linked to issues of ethnicity, race, culture, and a multitude of other historical factors, but it is peculiar that most people’s often preferred way of selfidentification on our planet is religion. Far worse, the preferred way of identifying the enemy is also centered on religion, though, oddly enough, the most violent deeds are directed not at those who are quite diff erent but at those who are close by or differ from our beliefs in only small ways. Russell Jacobi’s forthcoming brilliant book on fraternal violence shows that wars are always harsher against a known enemy than an unknown one.

Spaniards in the Caribbean and in Mexico at the dawn of the early modern period always described themselves as Christians, while the natives whom they intended to subjugate, were identified as either infidel pagans or even Muslims. Their great temples were accordingly described as “mosques.” In today’s troubled world, politicians imprudently speak of the “clash of civilizations.” This is a not-so-veiled code for religious diff erences and the fallacious argument that such differences cannot be easily accepted in a Christian world. Think of the ongoing debate about Europe’s Christian identity or the enduring debate about Christmas in the US. Both of these debates brand a nation as being linked to a specific religious tradition, while implicitly creating a hierarchy that places other religions below. Th is essentializing of belief or of “otherness” often leads to political results. Think, for example, of the attempts of the political Right in this country to turn Obama into a Muslim. Are they saying that a Muslim should not be president regardless of his or her qualifications? Or think of the attempts of the French government — for even enlightened France can descend into this type of behavior — to expel the Roma from Paris.

Indeed, for better or worse, we cannot think of that which we call history, culture, the lives of nations, or the lives of individuals without some reference to religion. Even those like me, who have grown to have a rather vehement dislike for what I perceive as religion’s nefarious influence on the course of history, cannot do without frequently engaging religion, or, as mentioned earlier, being touched by its spell. As Clifford Geertz argued long ago (borrowing from Max Weber) in a rightly famous essay, we live, and are caught, in unavoidable “webs of significance.”1 These cultural webs bind us to specific religious forms. Although we may understand other religions and cultures, our diverse visions of the world and of ourselves are deeply imbedded in the religious culture into which we were born and in the things we were taught and learned as children and as adults. In a rather Buñuelesque fashion — Luis Buñuel was extremely anti-clerical but could not stop directing films about religion — I, and many others like me, while professing a total absence of religion, think, act, and are trapped as well in webs of significance that are spun by religion.

Of course, one ought to state the obvious before proceeding to other themes: absence of religion or a belief in god does not mean an absence of what is called morality, spirituality, or ethics. One of the most annoying things about discussing these matters is the rather shortsighted view that religion is necessary to be a “moral” person or to behave ethically, a position that often prompts a running argument with my students. It is true that most religions provide a readymade code of conduct — not that I approve of those codes or of their systems of rewards and punishments. They also provide, certainly the religions of the Book do, heavens or hells to encourage compliance. On this point there is little I could add to what has already been articulated by Plato. In the Republic, he argued persuasively for a life in which men and women would behave ethically and seek the good not because of any rewards or punishments in the afterlife, but because to do evil to others is to harm oneself first and foremost. I admit that “good” and “evil,” “ethical” and “unethical” are highly contested concepts. And Plato, at the end of the Republic let us down badly by introducing the myth of Er as yet another mysterious incentive — transmigration of souls, rewards in heaven, and a whole array of Pythagorean mysteries — to right behavior.

Escaping the Terror of History

By now, you will be ready to ask: what does all of this have to do with the terror of history and the uses of religion as a means of denying history’s burdens? Simply put, I do not wish to deny religion’s historical reality, nor its central role in human history. While I wish to re-emphasize that this is a discussion about religion and not about god or the gods, I also wish to make a further point. Th ere are crises along the long road of human existence that provoke either overwhelming stress or almost unbearable disruptions. Individuals and groups, unable to cope with what seem terrible forces gathering against them or suff ering from a deep sense of alienation and despair, seek to escape these conditions or to deny their historicity. Th ink, for example, of the Holocaust.

Many have argued (though few scholars do so anymore) that it was a unique event, not comparable to other excesses against humanity and, thus, outside history. Although I do not agree with the idea that there are events outside history (but feel rather that events such as the Holocaust should be historicized as a lesson to posterity), the important thing here is that there are some who would deny the historicity of the event — a cruelty after all perpetrated by men and women against other men and women—and argue that the Shoah was an incomprehensible divine act, not to be fully grasped by the human intellect. The history of the Shoah is so utterly horrendous that there is always the temptation to exclude it from human actions and to think that such deeds are not inherent in human agency. I fear that they are.2

Several questions need to be answered. What mechanisms or events trigger an escape from history? How do certain forms of religious experiences, both individual and communal, permit us to deny historical reality? Or how, in a certain sense, can one construct an alternate plane of existence that may appear at first glance to be better than the life one leads and that, most of all, may allow a person or a group to escape from the terrifying occurrences and patterns of human history? Large catastrophes could trigger these reactions, either partially or fully. Yet, not all plagues, natural disasters, or man made crises lead to such responses. Outcomes and responses depend, to a large extent, on historical contexts, on the presence or absence of charismatic leadership, on the level of understanding or misunderstanding of specific populations as to the nature of the crisis.

Catastrophes are of course not the only cause for a turning away from history. Gradual, abrupt, and above all drastic social and economic changes can have either a cumulative or immediate impact on large segments of the population. The dramatic social, economic, and religious transformations that marked the transition from late medieval times to the early modern unleashed millenarian agitations such as that of the German peasant uprising of 1525 and a whole host of local and regional apocalyptic movements that announced to their respective followers the end of history and time. A different form of response was the witch craze that swept Western Europe between the very late fifteenth century and the mid-seventeenth centuries. It resulted in the systematic execution of thousands of people, mostly old women. Although the witch craze was a historical phenomenon with a clearly defined trajectory, causes, and outcomes, the ideological depiction of witch beliefs by those on top as a reason for persecution provided an alternative to the other well-known great early modern Western narratives: science, discovery, centralized monarchical authority, and the emergence of the state. In a very real sense, all these elements (the harbingers of modernity) which should have, in theory, moved Western societies towards a more rational and enlightened view of the world (as they did in the eighteenth century), paradoxically fanned the fires of persecution, misogyny, and scapegoating. Below, we will revisit these topics, but it is important to note how the conflation of new technologies of knowledge and repartially or fully. Yet, not all plagues, natural disasters, or man made crises lead to such responses. Outcomes and responses depend, to a large extent, on historical contexts, on the presence or absence of charismatic leadership, on the level of understanding or misunderstanding of specific populations as to the nature of the crisis.

Catastrophes are of course not the only cause for a turning away from history. Gradual, abrupt, and above all drastic social and economic changes can have either a cumulative or immediate impact on large segments of the population. The dramatic social, economic, and religious transformations that marked the transition from late medieval times to the early modern unleashed millenarian agitations such as that of the German peasant uprising of 1525 and a whole host of local and regional apocalyptic movements that announced to their respective followers the end of history and time. A different form of response was the witch craze that swept Western Europe between the very late fifteenth century and the mid-seventeenth centuries. It resulted in the systematic execution of thousands of people, mostly old women. Although the witch craze was a historical phenomenon with a clearly defined trajectory, causes, and outcomes, the ideological depiction of witch beliefs by those on top as a reason for persecution provided an alternative to the other well-known great early modern Western narratives: science, discovery, centralized monarchical authority, and the emergence of the state. In a very real sense, all these elements (the harbingers of modernity) which should have, in theory, moved Western societies towards a more rational and enlightened view of the world (as they did in the eighteenth century), paradoxically fanned the fires of persecution, misogyny, and scapegoating. Below, we will revisit these topics, but it is important to note how the conflation of new technologies of knowledge and religion led to untold horror and desperate attempts to escape history.

Before proceeding to the examples, I do not wish to leave the reader with the impression, an impression prompted per- haps by my comments in the previous pages, that history moves from irrational to rational and back again in some form of linear progression. I do not know whether the Enlightenment was the highest point of Western history; nor that progress, if by that we mean material progress and tech- nological change, is the criteria by which we should measure human achievements. To paraphrase Nietzsche, it is about values. It is not by calculating the increase in material wealth or technology that we should measure progress, but by what our values are, and by our constant readiness to reevaluate those values. Clearly, in terms of our desire to respect the lives of others, their freedom, and culture, we have failed miserably.

The Greeks, who were perhaps the first humans to gaze unflinchingly into the heart of darkness and who understood, or at least some of them did, the meaninglessness and emptiness of the universe, pulled back from irrationality, as tempting as it was, by building an elaborate edifice of rationality and restraint. “Know thyself ” and “nothing in excess” became the ideal ruling principles of their lives. As worthy as these maxims are, they only reveal their opposites: that human life is often about excesses, and that very seldom do we know ourselves. Having written this, allow me to make a small point and complicate things further: the ideals of the Enlightenment and the belief of Enlightenment philosophers in progress only obscured and veiled the underlying irrationality and chaos of most European lives.

But enough of this, we should turn to actual responses or attempts, usually failed, to confront the excesses of history, the swift passing of time, and the permanent and edgy irrationality of our individual and collective lives. Responses are not always necessarily those of groups. Often people confront the specific Scylla and Charybdis of their individual lives through religion and other practices. We seek to make rational or, at least, somewhat understandable, overwhelming historical events as well as the less obvious but nonetheless always menacing disruptions of historical change. Some mystical or meditative states represent a clear turning away from historical reality and lead to the embracing of alternative forms of existence and awareness of time. In the most emphatic fashion, most great mystics and religious figures have argued for their direct and intimate relationship with god (or the gods), a way of thinking about the world that flies in the face of history or reality, as understood by many. Think, for example, of the life of St. Francis of Assisi. He was certainly one of the most, if not the most, influential late medieval mystic. His life inspired many; his teachings led to millennial agitation and radical social and theological (one may describe some of the views held by some of Francis’ followers as heterodox) forms of religious practices. Such was his influence that almost eight hundred years later, I was, as an adolescent, taken by Francis’ example, and most of my students, who are assigned The Little Flowers of St. Francis as one of the texts they must read in my course on mysticism, are always quite moved by what seems to them his genuine renunciation of material wealth and embracing of poverty.

Francis of Assisi

Francis (c. 1182–1226) was born into a world in which social and economic structures were changing rapidly. Trade and a money economy were transforming social relations, fueling a wave of urbanization in Western Europe in general and in Italy in particular. The bourgeoisie accumulated wealth while eagerly yearning for salvation. This inherent contradiction created a conundrum for most enterprising middling sorts. Under the impetus of new economic realities, new forms of spirituality and novel attitudes towards property and wealth swept the West. Francis’ eventual message emerged from these contexts, but his preaching, shortly after the beginning of his mission, was not new. Before Francis, Peter Waldo (or Valdes) and his followers had articulated a powerful critique of these new economic forms and of the Church’s wealth. Branded as heterodox, the Waldensians faced mounting resistance and persecution, as did the Cathars, whose heresy was widespread in late-twelfth-century southern France.

The son of a merchant and born in Assisi (Umbria) around 1182, Francis grew up not very diff erently from his youthful companions. He was, as were many of his generation and station in life, deeply influenced by courtly romances, dreams of courageous martial deeds, and other such fantasies. Having read an idealized life of Francis early in my adolescence, I, almost fifty years afterwards, acknowledge honestly (and once again) to what an extent my own life and political views were shaped by Francis’ seemingly radical message. As has become a trope in the lives of saints, poets, and other sensitive people — think of Ignatius of Loyola or the young men of the Lost Generation — the experience of war (against nearby Perugia) and of being wounded deeply transformed Francis into a reflective and introspective young man. From this awakening, a radical transformation indeed, he rejected material things and embraced voluntary poverty and a life of preaching. His life, both as the subject of learned studies and hagiographical accounts, is well known.3 His preaching to the animals, his special sensitivity to nature, the centrality of apostolic poverty in his preaching, and his emphasis on Christ’s humanity signaled new possibilities for Christianity. His reception of the stigmata at Mount La Verne shortly before his death in 1226 marked a significant moment in Western history and spirituality. If Jesus was, according to Christian theology, both within history and outside it, Francis, by physically reliving Jesus’ passion, also stood within and outside history and time. Never mind that his own order, the Franciscans, rejected the core of Francis’ message and emphasized the importance of monastic establishments (thus property), education, and teaching against Francis’ firm rejection of any compromise with the world of property and owning things. Although Francis failed to convince some of his closest followers, others heard his ringing message. Never mind that he never challenged the authority of the Church or deviated from orthodoxy. Never mind that his emphasis on voluntary poverty led to, unintentionally for sure, a sharp distinction between those who had wealth and gave it up for the love of Christ and those who had the misfortune to be born and live in poverty not out of choice, robbing the latter finally of their standing in Christian society. But what did Francis’ life and preaching mean to his contemporaries, and how does his life play into our story?

The question here is not whether his heroic deeds, frequent mystical raptures, and his final reception of the stigmata — described in rhapsodic details by the mildly subversive Little Flowers of St. Francis (written many years after Francis’ death) — were “real” or not. For most of Francis’ contemporaries and for those living even centuries afterwards, the stories told and retold about him had an unimpeachable reality. In early thirteenth-century Europe, a world in which social, economic, and cultural transformations and changes in Church doctrine (most notably at the Fourth Lateran Council [1215]) created growing anxieties, St. Francis’ deeds and example offered solace and important lessons as well about living a true apostolic life. Historians, such as R. I. Moore and others, have focused on the early decades of the thirteenth century as marking the genesis of what has been described as “persecuting societies.”4 Although there is considerable historiographical discussion about whether the period truly marked the beginning of harsher attitudes towards heretics, Jews, Muslims, and others, it is fairly clear that wholesale changes were in the making. These changes, at the same time, deeply aff ected the spiritual life of Christians throughout the medieval West.

Beyond embellishing what I have already stated in previous paragraphs, one should note that Francis’ actions generated two different types of alternatives. First, at a personal level, Francis’ conversion or awakening, ascetic practices, and life of preaching brought him out of his own milieu and freed him from daily concerns, that is, took him out, as it were, from a set of social historical constraints. In many respects, some of the most charming passages detailing Francis’ adventures are those that reflect an element of random choice, of “playing the game” by none of the acceptable rules, or doing so by completely new rules. In reaching a bifurcation on the road and not knowing which direction to choose, - Francis asked one of his followers to swirl wildly and whatever road he faced at the end of his dance, that unknown road they would follow. I write this with a bit of envy, as I, and I am sure many others, presently lead lives in which we strain hopelessly to leave nothing to chance. This is even more ironic since we know that plans are easily overthrown by fate, chance, luck, illness, howsoever we wish to describe those fateful instances that overturn our best-laid plans for a well-ordered and predictable life.

Francis’ story recalls some of the 1960s attitudes towards life: the absence of planning, the lack of concern about the near or far future, the exquisite enjoyment of the moment, the rejection of the material world, and with it and only in a limited sense, a rejection of history and time. Francis had an immense impact on his contemporaries, as communes and the so-called hippies did on the culture of the 1960s. When faced with rapid change and uncertain times, Francis, like young people in the sixties (of whom I was one), escaped the burdens and terror of history through mystical visions, the embracing of poverty, and an apostolic life. As was the case in the 1960s, many in our society, often coming from a social background not unlike that of Francis, joined communes, moved to the sound of new and intoxicating music, rejected material gains, joined the peace movement (which was deeply historical), and, when finally everything failed, took to mind-bending, drug-induced escape, a kind of chemical substitute for religious mysticism.

Confronted with the angst of everyday life, with the boredom of the quotidian, with the absurdities and cruelties of history (endless warfare and communal strife in Italy during Francis’ life, the Vietnam war in the 1960s and the newly gained awareness of the burdens of racial discrimination), individuals and small groups turned their backs on their so cieties’ expectations and chose diff erent paths that set them sometimes at odds with their parents and peers and placed them outside normative historical processes. Some, such as Francis, we canonize, even as we are very careful to reject or neglect his example and message. Others, such as the young women and men who gave life to the sixties, we idealize or vilify according to our political bent; yet, we borrow their music, their fashions, and their poetry, while consciously following other paths that lead to careers, families, and compromise.

How very enticing and powerful these examples remain. How moving it must have been for those who met Francis or heard stories about him. Similarly, many lived vicariously through the deeds of others in the 1960s. It is said that if all those who claim to have attended the great concert at Woodstock had really been there, the attendance would have numbered in the millions. For Woodstock was that unique combination of music, peace, and non-violence (or at least was idealized as such) that even for those who were not fortunate enough to be there — and I was not there — represented an alternative to war and the corporate world, and a slim possibility to dehistoricize our lives. Rereading this now, past the fortieth anniversary of Woodstock, I am amazed at how those glorious days of music and mud still resonate even in our apathetic age.

Individuals and communities do not require a plague like the one that vanquished many in 1348–50 or a September 11th to loosen our ties to history. We are always, somewhat unconsciously, attempting to escape history, the burdens of fleeting time, and their inexorable terrors and ever changing landscapes. Francis did, as did numerous other medieval mystics (whether orthodox or heterodox), first by entering into a rich interior spiritual life and then by articulating his visions to a wider world. So did many young people in the sixties who, while not sharing any particular or formal religion, had, at least for a short while, as much spirituality and as great a sense of citizenship in a benign universe as did any medieval mystic.

Second, Francis’ life and example had other consequences that propelled many of his later followers against history. He was widely seen as the second coming of Christ, and consequently his life and message served as a rallying point and inspiration for a groundswell of millenarian expectations that swept parts of Western Europe in the 1260s and, in a more diminished form, in the early fourteenth century. The end of the world, by which was meant the end of time and history, was anxiously expected in 1266, with Francis as the harbinger of the Second Coming and the final wars. These apocalyptic ideas, which had long been part and parcel of Western history and which, according to Norman Cohn had their origins in ancient Mesopotamian and Zoroastrian beliefs, have had a remarkable vitality in Western culture.5  Their blossoming in times of change, uncertainty, and  catastrophes is a telling sign of our enduring discomfort with historical processes. These millenarian outbursts punctuate our history. In the 1260s, bands of flagellants took to the road; their self-inflicted punishment was a form of purgation of their own perceived excesses and of the evilness of the world. It was a powerful attempt to return humanity and the world to god. The Church, which was of course an institution deeply grounded in history, did not look with pleasure on these activities, condemning the flagellants as heretical and uncanonical. It would do so again in 1348 when, in the wake of the Black Death, flagellants reappeared throughout the West.

Francis’ impact was not just limited to widespread expectations for the end of the world and time or to the flagellants’ peculiar religiosity. Francis’ radical followers remained for decades after his death in what can be described as an almost permanent state of subversion and resistance in expectation of the end of time. They did so into the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, that is, for almost a century after Francis’ death. These Fraticelli or little brothers, as they were known, became radical proponents of poverty and of an evangelical Christianity that was, in the eyes of the Church, deeply intertwined with heresy, prophesy, and enduring expectations of dramatic changes within the Church. We meet some of these characters, vividly drawn, in Umberto Eco’s The Name of the Rose, but they had far more real counterparts. The idea of an Angelical Pope who would usher in the Last Days and the end of history was fanned by Celestine V’s election to, and shortly thereafter by his famous resignation from, the papal throne in 1294, as well as by the coming of a new century. These ideas, circulating widely throughout the West, were part of complex set of traditional and, at the same time, revolutionary ideas that lingered in parts of Italy, mostly Calabria, into the early modern period. We find echoes of these beliefs in the life, deeds, and writings of someone like Tommaso Campanella, fairly well known for his defense of Galileo, but less known for his long prison term in Spanish custody for plotting and writings about a universal monarchy (first Spain and later France) that would bring final peace to earth. He also authored the enchanting utopian work, The City of the Sun, a work in which Christianity and property played no role.6

NOTES

1. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretations of Culture: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973) chapter 1.
2. See the series published by Princeton University Press, “Human Rights and Crimes Against Humanity” (four volumes have been published so far), which explores some of the most horrific violence against humans by other humans.
3. On the life of Francis, see Jacques Le Goff , Saint François d’Assise (Paris: Gallimard, 1999) and The Little Flowers of St. Francis, ed. Raphael Brown (New York: Image Books/Doubleday, 1991).
4. R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, 2nd ed. (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007); and Carlo Ginzburg, Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath, trans. Raymond Rosenthal (New York: Pantheon Books, 1991).
5. On these topics, see the two very important books by Norman Cohn, Cosmos, Chaos, and the World to Come: The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith, 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001); and his The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970)
6. On Campanella, see Tommaso Campanella, La città del sole: dialogo poetico / The City of the Sun: A Poetical Dialogue, trans. and introduction by Daniel J. Donno (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981).







By Teofilo F. Ruiz in "The Terror of History", Princeton University Press, USA, 2011, excerpts pp. 40-56. Adapted and illustrated to be posted by Leopoldo Costa. 

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